Goldsmith Mysteries Archaeological, pictorial and documentary evidence from the 1st millennium AD A D in northern Europe Europe
Edited by Alexandra Pesch and Ruth Blankenfeldt
Papers presented at a workshop organized by the Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeol Archaeology ogy (ZBSA) Schleswig, October 20 th and 21st , 2011
Wachholtz Verlag
SCHRIFTEN DES ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN LANDESMUSEUMS
Ergänzungsreihe Band 8 Herausgegeben vom Archäologischen Landesmuseum und dem Zentrum für Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf durch Claus von Carnap-Bornheim
Der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung für Wissenschaftsförderung sei für die freundliche nanzielle Unterstützung gedankt.
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In memoriam Maiken Fecht
Table of Contents Alexandra Pesch and Ruth Blankenfeldt A Golden October. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Alexandra Pesch and Ruth Blankenfeldt Some ancient mysteries on the subject of goldsmiths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The elusive smithies
Torsten Capelle An insight into the goldsmith’s workshop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Nancy Wicker The elusive smith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Alexandra Pesch The goldsmith, his apprentice and the gods. A fairy tale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Workshops in theory and cultural anthropology
Charlotte Behr The working of gold and its symbolic signicance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Barbara Armbruster Feinschmiedewerkzeuge vom Beginn der Metallurgie bis in die Römische Kaiserzeit . . . . . . . . 59 Iris Aufderhaar What would a goldsmith’s workshop look like in theory? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Archaeological sources: Roman period to Viking Age
Hans-Ulrich Voß Die Suche nach den namenlosen Meistern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Günther Moosbauer Goldschmiedehandwerk im Römischen Kaiserreich . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Morten Axboe Late Roman and Migration Period sites in southern Scandinavia with archaeological evidence of the activity of gold and silver smiths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Kristina Lamm Helgö as a goldsmiths’ workshop in Migration Period Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Eva Hjärthner-Holdar The metal workshop at Skeke in Uppland, Sweden. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Siv Kristoffersen Brooches, bracteates and a goldsmith’s grave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Heidemarie Eilbracht Edelmetall in der Wikingerzeit: Die Werkstätten und ihr archäologisches Fundgut mit einem Beitrag von Michal Baranski zum Neufund eines Pressmodels aus Gramzow . . . . . 177 Barbara Armbruster Wikingerzeitliches Goldschmiedehandwerk in Haithabu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Smiths in religion, literary sources and pictures
Bernhard Maier Schmied und Schmiedehandwerk in der alteuropäischen Religionsgeschichte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Edith Marold Mythische Schmiede in deutscher und skandinavischer Sagentradition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Lydia Carstens Might and Magic: the smith in Old Norse literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Matthias Hardt Edelmetallschmiede in erzählenden Quellen der Völkerwanderungszeit und des frühen Mittelalters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271 Sigmund Oehrl Bildliche Darstellungen vom Schmied Wieland und ein unerwarteter Auftritt in Walhall . . . . 279 Torsten Capelle Final remarks and summary of the workshop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Publications referred to in this volume . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
Late Roman and Migration Period sites in southern Scandinavia with archaeological evidence of the activity of gold and silver smiths By Morten Axboe, Copenhagen Keywords: Central places, metal-detector finds, workshop remains, Gudme, Uppåkra, Torstorp Vesterby, Kværndrup Abstract: Although the presence of gold and silver smiths at central places is revealed by drops of metal, crucibles, etc., actual workshops are difcult to identify. This is partly due to the large size of the sites, of which just small areas have been excavated, and partly due to the fact that only prelimi nary results have yet been published. Possible workshops have been identied at Gudme and Lundeborg, while ‘Grubenhäuser’ (pit houses) with positive evidence of workshop activities have been found at smaller sites like Kværndrup and Torstorp Vesterby. Smiths who worked with gold and silver were most likely also skilled in working with bronze and iron.
This paper is a presentation of sites with archaeological evidence of gold and silver-working during the Late Roman and Migration Periods in southern Scandinavia (Fig. 1). Such evidence can primarily be expected at the so-called ‘central places’ – and is, in fact, among the criteria used by Fabech and Ringtved to characterize their second level of Late Iron Age settlements ( FABECH /R INGTVED 1995; FABECH 1999, 40f.). However, quite a few other sites of lower status must be considered, too. ARISTOCRATIC SITES
According to Lars JøRGENSEN (2009, 332ff.), the large high-status Iron Age sites under aristocratic control can be divided into two groups, or generations, whereby Gudme, Sorte Muld and Uppåkra together with Helgö (and possibly Avaldsnes in Norway) make up the rst generation. This paper will concentrate on sites from this generation, both the aristocratic sites discussed by Jørgensen and smaller settlements. Jørgensen denes a rst generation aristocratic site as an accumulation of craftsmen’s farms or dwellings grouped around an elite residence; a structure and organization that they retain over the subsequent centuries. The chieftain’s farm – at least as found at Gudme – had neither utility buildings nor smaller dwellings or workshops, and Jørgensen assumes that the chieftain’s wealth was based on the levying of tribute, not only in kind from dependent settlements, but also in the form of crafted items from the workshops he controlled ( JøRGENSEN 2010, 275; 2011, 84; cf. JøRGENSEN 2001, 73f.). The craftsmen in question were not only the gold and silver smiths who are the focal point of this symposium but also other tradesmen who worked in central places: bronze casters and blacksmiths, comb makers, amber carvers, car penters, etc. 123
22 23 12 16
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Fig. 1. Sit es mentioned in the text. 1. Bejs ebakken ; 2. Dankir ke; 3. Dar um; 4. Dejbjerg ; 4a. Engel sborg; 5. Gud me; 6. Hardenberg; 7. Herfølge; 8. Høgsbrogård; 9. Hørup; 10 . Høstentorp; 11. Kværndrup; 12. Lindholm Høje; 13. Lundeborg; 14. Odense (Granly, Lundsgård SØ); 15. Østervang; 16. Postgården; 17. Sandegård; 18. Simmersted; 19. Slöinge; 20. Sorte Muld; 21. Søtoftegård; 22. Stavad; 2 3. Stentinget; 24. Torstorp Vesterby; 25. Uppåkra; 26. Vorbasse.
As ‘second generation aristocratic sites’ Jørgensen lists Tissø, Lejre and Toftegård in Zealand and Järrestad in eastern Scania. These were founded during the 6 th and 7th centuries and do not have the surrounding permanent craftsmen’s farms, which seem to have been superseded by seasonal market places with Grubenhäuser (pit houses) and other small houses or market booths ( JøRGENSEN 2009, 337f.; cf. also NøRGåRD JøRGENSEN et al. 2011). Neither these later aristocratic sites – to which the site at Stavnsager ( FIEDEL et al. 2011) in eastern Jutland may be added – nor the more or less seasonal market places will be considered here. SEARCHING FOR THE CRAFTSMEN
It is, however, no simple task to review the traces of precious-metal workshops of the Roman and Migration Periods. One problem is that the most prominent central places cover very large areas: both Gudme and Sorte Muld measure about one square kilometre; Uppåkra is more than 600.000 m² (Fig. 2). While contemporaneous rural settlements like Vorbasse consisted of some 8–12 farms, the three Migration Period central places mentioned are estimated to have had 30, 50 or even more households each, and may have had at least 500 inhabitants ( JøRGENSEN 1994, 60; WATT 2009, 25; AxBOE/JøRGENSEN 2010, 117f.). In fact, the occupation layers at Uppåkra cover an area about half the size of late-medieval Lund, which was the seat of the archbishop and one of the most important towns in medieval Denmark ( LARSSON 2003, Fig. 8). While Uppåkra seems to be a single coherent settlement area, both Gudme, Sorte Muld and the slightly later Boeslunde settlement (which will not be considered here; see NIELSEN 1997) consist of many smaller units, 124
due to the many wet areas in the undulating landscape (see maps in JøRGENSEN 2011, Fig. 3 and LUND HANSEN et al. 2009, 187). On the other hand, only tiny parts of the settlement areas have been excavated, e.g. around 30.000 m² at Gudme. Given the fact that the sites have been ploughed for centuries, much of the nd material consists of metal-detector nds from the top soil. This means we may have large numbers of gold drops and bronze or silver sprues from ne metal working but, unless they were found in a closed context, we cannot date them more precisely than to the general period in which the settlement was active. As far as the central places are concerned, this means just the rst millennium. It is also necessary to point out that most of the sites have only been published as interim reports, survey papers or popularscience books. It is therefore difcult to pin down exact facts, and I have had no time Fig. 2. The ‘central pla ces’ Gudme, Uppåkra and Sorte Muld to consult the actual find material, field compared to the Migration Period Vorbasse village (adapted from l 2003). reports or excavation plans for the present paper. We will have to wait for the final publications to learn more about possible well-dated nds from pits, wells or cultural layers, which may indicate actual workshop buildings or structures. We do, however, have some evidence of gold and silver working, together with more extensive remains from bronze work-shops, and I believe that some of the bronze-casting waste may have been left by craftsmen who also mastered gold and silver working. Not that every bronzesmith would have been able to make gold or silver jewellery – the reverse is more likely: I cannot imagine a goldsmith who would not have been able to make his own tools, especially the more delicate and personal ones like punches or matrixes. The maker of gold bracteates will also have made his own dies, as well as the tools for making the rim wire and punches for the borders. Some brooches combine bronze and gold, not only the very intricate types such as rosette or swastika brooches, where cooperation between several specialists is conceivable, but also the less complex brooches from Kitnæs and Elsehoved with a bronze core covered in gold sheet and decorated with ligree, granulation and inlays. Because of its higher value, I presume that any gold or silver waste would have been carefully collected for recycling, while bronze scraps and sprues were more likely to be discarded. Consequently, unnished gold or silver objects are seldom found. A rare example is the gold bracteate IK 570, where the striking was so uncuccessful that the gold blank had been folded over to be melted down (HAUCk/AxBOE 1990). It was found at Sylten, which is part of the Sorte Muld settlement complex on Bornholm. Drops of gold and silver may reasonably be taken as evidence of precious-metal working, and scrap metal can possibly be considered as raw material for the smiths. This also applies to Roman coins, although these may have been just valuables: preliminary metal analyses do not conrm that Scandinavian silver jewellery was made from denarius silver ( HORSNæS et al. 2005; HORSNæS 2010, 188f.). ars son
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Fig. 3. Map of the principal excavation areas at Gudme (adapted from h orsnæs 2010; courtesy L . Jørgensen).
GUDME A closer look at Gudme reveals that the distribution of finds can tell us something about the
different functions of various parts of the settlement. For practical reasons, Gudme has been divided into several sectors, called Gudme I–V, or with farm or eld names (Fig. 3). As demonstrated by Lars Jørgensen, the nds of 4th –5th century hack silver and silver ingots – which may be considered as raw material for the silversmiths – are concentrated in the southern part of the settlement, to the south of the ‘Gudmehallerne’ site, where the manor with a ‘royal hall’ of the late Roman period and the possible multi-phased cult house next to it were excavated ( JøRGENSEN 2011, 82, Fig. 5). Much less scrap silver has been found in the northern part of the settlement area, while important gold hoards were found outside the silversmiths’ area ( JøRGENSEN 1998, Fig. 7). We may therefore presume that, from the 3rd to the 6th century, Gudme was divided into a southern section with workshop activities and small hoards, mostly of raw materials, and a northern and eastern section with the aristocratic farms and high-status gold hoards weighing 300–600 g each. Excavations in the areas where the large gold and silver hoards were found, in the northern section of the Gudme settlement site, have shown that these were buried in or near the remains of houses (see, for example, AUD 1991, 149f.; 1994, 152; k JER MICHAELSEN 1995,12f., Fig. 12). According to Lars Jørgensen, neither the manor with the large late-Roman hall, which was replaced in the rst half of the 5 th century by a smaller N-S oriented hall some 30 m away, nor the cult house have yielded signicant traces of agricultural or craft activity. The magnate’s wealth appears to have 126
depended on the levying of tribute, and presumably both the craftsmen of Gudme and the coastal site at Lundeborg will have contributed ( JøRGENSEN 2011, 83f.). It should be noted that the southern part of the Gudme settlement was not just a workshop area with, for example, Grubenhäuser as workshops. The houses found there were farmsteads with longhouses and one or two smaller post-built buildings, as can be found in many other settlements. But in addition to the normal nd material, crucibles, melted-down debris, tuyères and other workshop-related nds also appeared, and JøRGENSEN (2010, 82) calls these houses ‘workshop farms’. A very special group of nds consisted of seven gold nails or rivets for 6 th century sword pommels. These were found in a limited section of the Gudme II area, directly to the south of the manor, and it seems that two or three farms here actually manufactured such high-prestige pommels, which have not yet actually been found in Denmark ( JøRGENSEN 1998, 12–15 with Figs. 4–6; 2011, 82). The Gudme II bracteate hoard ( Ik Vol. 3,1, No. 51,3, 391–393, 455,2; A xBOE 1987; POULSEN 1987) was found in a posthole belonging to a small house on a neighbouring farm, where ne metal smiths also seem to have worked ( JøRGENSEN 1994; VANG P ETERSEN 1994, 34f. Fig. 12; A xBOE/JøRGENSEN 2010, 115ff.). The nds from the Gudme II sectors of Gudme indicate that these areas were settled from the beginning of the late Roman period to the 12 th century, with a high point in the Migration Period; the nds include gold, silver and bronze workshop material ( JøRGENSEN 1994 Figs. 2–3). Among the surface nds is what is presumed to be a stone mould for ingots ( THRANE 1992, 332 Fig. 18). The Bjørnebanken site is situated to the east of Gudme II NØ. Here – as in other parts of the Gudme area – excavations were undertaken because metal-detectorists had revealed a hoard of Roman hack silver, which mainly came from a large, ornamented, partly gilt and niello dish. The hoard had been dispersed by ploughing but had apparently been deposited originally inside a small house that was part of a fenced farm complex. Fragments of other dishes were also found, as well as three 4 th century solidi and fragments of Scandinavian gold jewellery, which indicated that the hoard was not deposited before the 5 th century ( k JER M ICHAELSEN 1995, 11f.; AUD 1995, 153; 1996, 161; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2003c). Some 200 m to the west of the manor, the Gudme III/Stærkærvej settlement area was located on a small hill surrounded by meadows and wetlands ( VANG PETERSEN 1994, 32–34; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1994, 41–44; 2000). The three farms located here could be followed through nine building phases that approximately covered the period AD 200–650. The most spectacular nds were a siliqua hoard, deposited near the fence of one of the farms ( kROMANN 1988; VANG PETERSEN 1994, Fig. 5; HORSNæS 2010, 98), a concentration of hack silver and debris from molten silver, and a small hoard of gold-foil fragments with animal style ornaments; all of which were found in the top-soil ( øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2000, 24ff., Figs. 2–3). Very similar ornamented gold foil was found at Gudme II (THRANE 1992, Fig. 20). Some denarii were found in the same area as the Gudme III siliquae and may have belonged to the same hoard ( øSTERGAARD S øRENSEN 1989, 65). Farm 1, the only one of the farms that was almost completely excavated, included a longhouse and one or two smaller houses. At least two of the occupation phases of one of the small houses yielded evidence of ne metal working: fragments of thimble-shaped crucibles (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2003a, Figs. 7, 10a), clay tuyères and vitried clay/sand that most likely came from the melting pits. A well near this possible workshop ( VANG PETERSEN 1994, Figs. 5–6) contained a quantity of similar slag, tuyère fragments and possible mould fragments. It has not been established what metals were processed. The ne metal working seems to have been carried out in the 5 th century, but may have started earlier ( øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1989, 9–49). Among the nds from the top-soil were a Style I/II ornamented patrix die for ‘purse-shaped pendants’ ( THRANE 1992, Fig. 17a) and some lead weights, but most were drops of bronze and silver. A concentration of silver-smelting debris and hack silver just to the east of the excavated area may indicate metal working in connection with Farm 2 ( øSTERGAARD S øRENSEN 1989, 64–69). 127
Attention was also rst drawn to the Gudme V/Stenhøjgård sector by a spectacular hoard, in this case 1,282 kg of hack silver: fragments of ingots, rings and decorated Roman tableware, together with a number of spiral wire clasps, which indicated that the treasure was not deposited before the 5th century (kROMANN BALLING/VANG PETERSEN 1985, 202f., Fig. 7; MUNkSGAARD 1987, Fig. 30; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2003b, 433; cf. H INES 1993, 4–8). Excavations revealed house remains from one or two farms with several building phases ( VANG PETERSEN 1994, 35ff., Figs. 14–16; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1994, 45ff., Figs. 6–7); the silver hoard was located outside a house, close to the fence. A small collection of molten silver, gold, and blue glass (beads?) was found in the hole of a roof-bearing post, possibly a hidden (scrap metal?) hoard damaged by the re that destroyed the house ( kROMANN et al. 1991, Fig. 3; VANG PETERSEN 1994, 36f., Fig. 14). The nds from Stenhøjgård included a large number of crucibles, some with gold drops adhering to them ( THRANE 1993, Pl. 14), which in several instances were found together with Migration Period potsherds, numerous drops of molten silver and glass, hammer-scale iron slag, and small thin strips of gold foil with a black coating on one side – perhaps waste from the manufacture of gold-plated ornaments, etc. ( VANG PETERSEN 1990, Figs. 5–7; 1994, 36f., Fig. 15). Among the metal-detector nds from the top-soil was a small bronze die for making gold-foil rosettes for brooches ( VANG P ETERSEN 1994, Fig. 10), and a late-Roman rosette brooch with glass inlays ( kROMANN et al. 1991, Fig. 5; THRANE 1993, Pl. 14) that was found in a pit, had perhaps been made on the site. A special feature found at Gudme V/Stenhøjgård are hearths or ovens surrounded by a structure with two pairs of posts, which were located close to the longhouses ( øSTERGAARD S øRENSEN 1994, 45f., Figs. 6–7). These were perhaps metal workers’ sheds; but no further details have yet been published. However, similar structures at Lundeborg have been interpreted as working areas ( THOMSEN 1989, 11f., Fig. 6; THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83). The adjacent sector, Gudme I, has been known for many years because a number of denarii and 4th century solidi were found on various occasions between 1885 and 1941. Since 1980, the use of metal detectors has increased the numbers to 37 denarii, 8 siliquae and 11 solidi , one of which is a multiplum. The solidi seem to constitute a dispersed hoard, while the other coins were much more scattered and are best interpreted as single nds ( kROMANN 1987; HORSNæS 2010, 95). Excavation revealed several 4th –5th century type houses, but no datable nds in pits or postholes. Finds from the top-soil include a bronze punch with an unidentiable stamp face, scrap silver that included a rim fragment of a Roman dish and a hook from a ladle, melted-down silver, a gold ring, and a fragment of a crucible with drops of gold, which testied to precious-metal working on the site ( VANG PETERSEN 1987, 50–55; 1994, 30f.). Further excavations, called Gudme I Vest, were undertaken after the discovery of more dispersed scrap silver that included Roman dish fragments, ingots with cut-marks and a fragment with Style I decoration, but no house remains were found ( k JER MICHAELSEN 1995, 9ff.). To the east of Gudme II and south of Bjørnebanken lies the Gudme IV area. Numerous settlement remains with houses have been excavated, but no evidence of ne metal working has been reported other than the torso of a Roman bronze gurine, which can perhaps be considered as bullion, and a Merovingian Period die to make patterned gold foils ( JøRGENSEN 1994, 54; k JER MICHAELSEN /øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1996). However, further to the east, at Gudmeløkken and Eisemoseløkken, fragments from more than one Roman bronze statue (and an additional nger made of silver) may indicate a workshop area. Excavations have revealed two farm complexes, but no actual workshop remains have so far been reported (k JER MICHAELSEN 1994; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2005). The statue fragments were possibly imported as scrap metal for recycling – from Period C2 onwards, hoards of scrap silver and bronze looted from Roman villae near the Limes become numerous in Germanic areas ( LUND HANSEN 2001).
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LUNDEBORG
Together with Gudme the coastal site of Lundeborg must, of course, also be mentioned ( THOMSEN et al. 1993). Lundeborg is generally regarded as the trading port of Gudme, with seasonal market activity and the building and/or repairing of ships. There is evidence of iron working, as well as of bronze casting: ingots, scrap metal, crucibles, moulds and unfinished brooches. Forge slags could be
associated with bronze casting; in at least some cases, crushed int had been added, perhaps to increase the temperature ( THOMSEN et al. 1993, 82; THOMSEN 1998, 27; cf. SøRENSEN 2000, 36f.). Gold and silver were also worked, as testied by ingots, scrap metal, drops and crucibles with traces of gold or silver. Around 140 denarii have been found scattered over the site: these may have been used for trading purposes or as raw material for precious-metal smiths. In our workshop context, it is important to note that two touchstones have been found at Lundeborg, although no indication of their date has been published ( THOMSEN et al. 1993, 79, 83; JøRGENSEN/VANG PETERSEN 1998, Fig. 153). The traces of precious-metal working were close to the bronze-working area, and the tools found there may be linked with both activities: a pair of smith’s tongs, punches, small hammers, etc. ( THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83f.; JøRGENSEN/VANG P ETERSEN 1998, Fig. 152). Two small roofed structures, possibly working sites, were found; each consisted of a hearth surrounded by four thick posts, similar to the structures found at Gudme V/Stenhøjgård. Both were located in the southern part of the site, and both were rebuilt several times ( THOMSEN 1989, 11f., Fig. 6; THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83). UPPåkRA AND SORTE MULD
Like Gudme, the Scanian site of Uppåkra was active during the whole of the rst millennium. In fact, Uppåkra already existed in the Pre-Roman Iron Age and crucibles have been found in the early layers (HåRDH 2002, 126). Again, only minor parts of the site have been excavated and, given the more than 3 m of cultural layers in some parts ( LINDELL/THOMASSON, 2003, 31ff.), the analysis of the metaldetector nds also poses problems as early nds, in layers that are as yet undisturbed, are probably underrepresented compared with the Late Iron Age nds turned up by the plough. Although publication is proceeding at a laudable speed, there has been little focus on gold and silver smiths – possibly due to lack of nds. It is evident that bronze jewellery was produced at Uppåkra, possibly already during the late Roman period or even earlier. Metal slag and tuyère fragments have been found in late Roman refuse layers, as well as ceramics tempered with plant material or bone, which are interpreted as evidence of metal working ( STILBORG 2003, 127–132). During the Migration Period, a series of bronze cruciform brooches was presumably produced at Uppåkra (LUND/LARSSON 2007, 33), and Vendel Period brooches and moulds testify to a massive production of beaked brooches ( HåRDH 2001, 197f.). Fragments of crucibles were reported from the famous cult house, both in the oor layer of the earliest phase (Late[?] Roman Iron Age), which also contained some metal slag, and in later layers dating through the Migration Period ( LARSSON/LENNTORP 2004, 18, 31). A crucible with traces of gold was found just to the south of the cult house, possibly dating to the Vendel Period ( LARSSON/ LENNTORP 2004, 7). Early in the Vendel Period, gold-foil gures were manufactured at Uppåkra, as proved by the gold strips and four patrix dies that were found there ( LARSSON/LENNTORP 2004, 24f.; WATT 1999; 2004). Metal analyses of copper alloy objects seem to indicate that deliberate metalworking experiments were performed during the Vendel Period, thus testifying to the permanent presence of bronze casters at Uppåkra ( kRESTEN et al. 2001, 163). In such an active metal-working milieu, at a site with a denite aristocratic presence, gold and silver smiths must also have been present, but proof of this is still rather elusive at Uppåkra.
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Sorte Muld, on Bornholm, is as aristocratic and long-lasting as Uppåkra (ADAMSEN et al. 2008; 2009). The up to 1.5 m of cultural layers date back as far as the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the nds indicate that Sorte Muld, like Uppåkra, had a religious function, at least in the Vendel Period when more than 2000 gold-foil gures were deposited there. The site is not as extensively published as Gudme or Uppåkra but, according to Ulla Lund Hansen, the distribution pattern of the metal-detector nds shows that craftsmen who worked with gold, silver and semi-precious stones were located in the central part of Sorte Muld, while bronze and iron smiths worked in the satellite settlements ( LUND HANSEN 2009, 83f.). On the other hand, it should be remembered that the unnished gold bracteate IK 570 mentioned above was in fact found at Sylten, which is one of the satellite sites ( HAUCk/AxBOE 1990); the ‘satellites’ Kanonhøj and Dalshøj have also yielded drops of gold and silver as well as evidence of bronze casting ( THORSEN 2008, 113). The evidence of gold and silver smiths at Sorte Muld consists of crucibles, ingots, gold drops and silver sprues; from the Vendel Period, there are not only the gold-foil gures – their production is proved by the patrix dies and cut gold strips – but also patterned gold foil for cloisonné work, patrix dies to produce the foil, and roughly shaped unmounted garnets. The fragmented cloisonné objects found at Sorte Muld may well have been produced on site. As at Uppåkra, moulds are proof of the production of bronze beak brooches. SMALLER SITES. HøRUP
Gudme, Uppåkra and Sorte Muld are the largest central places known. With their aristocratic and religious functions, they are obvious places for gold and silver smiths to work. But there are other sites to be considered, too. The oldest is the settlement at Hørup in northern Zealand ( SøRENSEN 2000; 2006a). Here, on the slope of a hill, is a workshop site with cultural layers dating from the early Roman Iron Age to the Migration Period. The area that yielded metal-detector nds extends over c. 20,000 m² with a distinct concentration in an area approximately 75 x 75 m; c. 2000 m² have been excavated. There is clear evidence of activity by blacksmiths, bronze casters and comb makers, while the presence of gold or silver smiths is only indirectly suggested by fragments of nished objects, e.g. clasp buttons. Patches of clay, 0.5–0.6 m in diameter, with heat-reddened centres measuring c. 0.2 m and small burnt stones close by, are interpreted as forges; the postholes near them as wind-break fences ( SøRENSEN 2000, 12f.; 2006a, 174). Vitried clay was found both near the forges and elsewhere. One pit contained burnt int, which, in the light of the ndings at Lundeborg (see above) and at Kværndrup (below), may have been used in the forges ( SøRENSEN 2000, 14). Six kilns were excavated, but there was no indication of their purpose (SøRENSEN 2000, 10–12; 2006a, 174). Some of the c. 50 brooches found had been deliberately folded, as though intended to be recycled – indeed, one was actually partly melted down. These ‘scrap bulae’ seem to date to the late Roman and early Migration Periods ( SøRENSEN 2000, 25; 2006a, 173). Sheet bronze and fragments of vessels also appear to have been cut up ready to be melted down (SøRENSEN 2000, 38; 2006a, 173). Fifteen Roman coins have been found; the most recent was minted under Valentinian I (364–367) (SøRENSEN 2000, 33; 2006a, 171, 177; HORSNæS 2010, 108, 117). Like the weights (SøRENSEN 2000, 34; 2006a, 172f.), the coins may have been linked to workshop activities. Secure evidence of ne metal working is furnished by more than 70 fragments of crucibles, two of which were almost totally preserved, and a fragment of a mould, while tuyère fragments may be ascribed to both ne metal smiths and blacksmiths, who also were active at Hørup (SøRENSEN 2000, 36 –38; 2006a, 175). Hørup is obviously not a ‘central place’ in the same sense as Gudme or Uppåkra, but it seems to be part of a ‘central landscape’ with an open-air sacricial site at Lærkefryd, where denarii, whole and deliberately fragmented gold rings, high quality late Roman/Migration Period weapons and horse 130
gear as well as fragmented jewellery dating from the late Roman period to early in the Viking Age have been found; presumably this is also where the gold bracteates IK 77–79 and 94,2 Hjørlunde were found. The site is on a plateau on top of a pronounced hill, and excavations have revealed no structures other than cooking pits, which have not yet been dated. The wetlands around the hills have yielded sacricial nds, e.g. wagon fragments etc. in Rappendam Bog and skeletons in Jørlunde Lake (SøRENSEN 2000, 66–73; 2006a). Some 11 km from Hørup lies the settlement of Søtoftegård with Roman and Migration Period bronze brooches, denarii, hack gold (including half a bracteate, folded up ready for melting down) and silver (including fragments of Roman dishes) – as well as other Roman imports. On the slope below the settlement, metal-detector nds from the cultural layers include bronze sprues, and melted-down metal lumps and drops. The site may be a contemporaneous parallel to Hørup: it denitely had bronze working and, most likely, silver and gold working, too (SøRENSEN 2000, 65). Iron Age settlement in the area appears to have consisted of individual farms, and besides wealthy late-Roman graves are also known. Thus the organisation of power and religion does not seem to have been the same as in the Gudme/Uppåkra/Sorte Muld model. NORTHERN JUTLAND
There is perhaps another ‘multi-partite centre’ in the Ålborg area in northern Jutland. Several sites are known on both sides of the best place to cross the Limfjord. To the north of the fjord, there is not only the large Lindholm Høje burial site but also several ‘productive’ sites that were discovered in the course of metal-detector surveys. Further sites were located by metal detectors in the hills to the south of the fjord: Bejsebakken was the rst to be recorded and is the best known ( øRSNES 1976; NIELSEN 2002; 2011). Extensive settlements have been searched by metal-detectors or excavated, not only at Bejsebakken but also at Humlebakken, Postgården and numerous other localities ( A xBOE 1991, 28, 31; 1993; TRIER CHRISTIANSEN 2008). Nevertheless, the goldsmiths remain elusive: apart from a Grubenhaus at Bejsebakken (possibly from the Merovingian Period), where bronze and iron were processed ( NIELSEN 2011, 171), no metal-workers’ workshops have been found. Indeed, even bronze working has left very few traces, although a rich variety of types indicates innovative brooch production in the area ( TRIER CHRISTIANSEN 2008, 124; NIELSEN 2011, 172). On the other hand, there must have been goldsmiths in the area: the only gold bracteate die known from Denmark was found at Postgården (AxBOE 1993; 2004, 3; 2007, 14f.) and the fragmented bracteate IK 390, which was torn and folded as though destined for the crucible, came from Bejsebakken. Further north in Jutland is the less well-known site of Stentinget ( NILSSON 1990), which also qualies as a central place, although of lower status than Gudme etc., and which extends over an area of more than 200,000 m². The dates of the metal-detector nds range from around AD 100 to 1100 with the majority after c. 600, but earlier types such as cruciform brooches do occur. Aristocratic and religious functions are suggested by Germanic Iron Age brooches with inlaid stones, the silver terminal mount of a Frankish belt and other high-class Viking nds as well as a gold-foil gure. Iron slag and scrap silver, bronze and lead prove that there was metal working on the site, some of which took place in Grubenhäuser , but only small-scale excavations have been undertaken and no date for the metal working is given. WESTERN AND SOUTHERN JUTLAND
Yet another variant of Iron Age ‘centres’ are the Migration Period halls with rich glass nds, as were discovered at Dankirke and Dejbjerg in Jutland (Dankirke: JARL HANSEN 1988–89; Dejbjerg: EGE131
BERG H ANSEN 1993–94).
These sites had neither the same functions nor the same social or religious status as the large central places like Gudme but seem, rather, to have been the farmsteads of lowerranking chieftains with some additional trading activities ( JENSEN 1991; JøRGENSEN 2001, 74f.). Apart from some possible raw material, such as the scattered denarii, precious scrap metal and a ploughedup bronze sprue from Dankirke, neither site has yielded evidence of any metal workers other than blacksmiths. When examining Dankirke in the context of newer nds from the area, Claus FEVEILE (2011, 279f.) considered it as an element of a possible multi-partite centre in south-western Jutland – perhaps a parallel to the above-mentioned Hørup/Søtoftegård area in Zealand. In any case, it is a further reminder that other ‘centre’ models than just the Gudme/Uppåkra/Sorte Muld type must be kept in mind. SLöINGE
Crucibles, metal drops and a presumed mould for gold ingots have been found without a dating context at the chieftain’s farm at Slöinge in Halland, which was founded in the Migration Period. At Slöinge there is possible evidence of metal working and other specialized crafts during the Migration Period, but not (yet) any indication that it involved more than visiting itinerant craftsmen – however, only a very small part of the nd-yielding area has been excavated ( LUNDqVIST 1997; 2000, 43–59, 118; 2003, 68–73f., 148ff.). TORSTORP VESTERBy
Thus, the goldsmiths tend to elude us in the very places where we might expect to meet them. But, conversely, they can also surprise us by popping up where we do not expect them. Over the last few decades, extensive Iron Age settlements have been excavated in the at areas to the west of Copenhagen. The settlement pattern here seems to be small open villages or clusters of 3–6 farms; in several cases, it has been possible to connect the farms with burial sites. Both the furnishing of the graves and the types of farmhouse seem to indicate a hierarchic network with at least three social levels but without any obvious centre ( BOyE et al. 2009; BOyE/LUND HANSEN 2011). At Torstorp Vesterby, a fenced farm of the second social level (the easternmost farm on the plan BOyE 2008, Fig. 9) consisted of a longhouse of the Ragnesminde type, a secondary house and a Grubenhaus – the only example of this type of house among the approximately 90 houses found at this site – with the remains of a goldsmith’s workshop. The Grubenhaus was almost square, c. 3 x 3.5 m and c. 0.25 m deep, with a posthole at each gable end. A pit had been dug in the eastern part of the oor, c. 0.8 m in diameter and 50–60 cm deep, and near it lay a at, ground boulder with two carved and polished indentations at the edges, in which small grains of gold were preserved. The house is thought to be a goldsmith’s workplace with the pit to accommodate his legs while working. The stone has been interpreted as a ‘soldering stone’, where borax or some other ux was dissolved in water and mixed with gold. Whatever its purpose, the traces of gold in the indentations prove that the house was a goldsmith’s workshop, and the other objects found t well with this interpretation: iron needles or punches and a short stout knife, interpreted as a chasing or engraving tool. Another craft – or simply the presence of a woman – is revealed by a spindle whorl ( FONNESBECH-SANDBERG 1999, 32f.; WOLLER 2002). Little datable material was found, so the typology of the longhouse was used to date the farm to the 5th –6 th century AD, which agrees well with a thermoluminescence (TL) date of 560+/-100 AD for the Grubenhaus (WOLLER 2002; pers. comm. L. Boye; cf. BOyE 2008).
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kVæRNDRUP
Similarly, an excavation at Kværndrup in southern Funen, carried out because of minor road construction work, revealed three Grubenhäuser (Fig. 4; THOMSEN 1998; 1999). The largest, labelled
A 12, measured 6 x 4 m. Two hearths were found, at different levels, both c. 90 cm in diameter and lying on a thin layer of sand; bones seem to have been used for fuel. In house A 18, which measured 5 x 3.5 m, two shallow pits containing charcoal were found in the oor near a hearth. The present depth of both these houses was c. 80 cm while house A 15, which was circular with a diameter of 3.5 m, was twice as deep. The oor of A 15 consisted of a 2–5 cm layer of ne, light sand mixed with ashes and almost powdery charcoal. There was a hearth and traces of two posts, which had supported the roof, plus a few minor postholes on the periphery. Large amounts of charcoal were found in all three houses. The pottery found in the houses was dated to the middle of the Roman Iron Age (Period B2/C1).
Fig. 4. Simplied plan of the Kværndrup Grubenhäuser. G: Cruc ible fragment with gold; S: Crucible fragment with silver; X: Hearth; hatched: Area with many crucibles; dotted: Charcoal pit; Avlssten: Tuyère; Bronzebarre: Bronze ingot; Bronze-dråbe: Bronze drop; Esseslagger: Forge slag; Probersten: Touchstone; Stolpespor: Posthole; Sølvdråbe: Silver drop (adapted from t hoMsen 1999).
Other than at Kværndrup, Roman Iron Age Grubenhäuser are scarcely known on Funen, despite extensive settlement excavations. Even more surprising was the content of the houses: a whetstone, a possible touchstone, a small pair of tongs, a tuyère, eight complete crucibles together with fragments of around 40 more, and tiny fragments of clay moulds. The crucibles are open, pear-shaped, and glazed on the outside by intense heat (Figs. 5 –6). In some of the crucibles from house A 18 tiny drops of gold and silver/bronze were preserved. Moreover, larger drops of silver and bronze were found in houses A 12 and A 15; and a small bronze ingot in house A 18. In all three houses, plano-convex pieces of slag from the forges (of a type also found at Gudme III/Stærkærvej) were found, which indicated that the forges had measured 10–15 cm in diameter and, as was the case at Lundeborg, crushed int had been added to raise the temperature. As at Torstorp Vesterby, two spindle whorls and a fragment of a loom-weight suggest that textile working also took place in the houses. Here, evidently, a metal caster had worked with both gold and other metals; and, judging from the number of crucibles, he was not on just a short visit. Other Iron Age settlements are known in the vicinity, but the only one of any note is the Falle Mølle site with the remains of one or more late Roman/early Migration Period farms ( JENSEN 2006). The sparse metal nds included a fragmented denarius and some silver foil. In 1861, a heavily worn imitation aureus (‘Maximianus Herculius, 286–305’) with an attached loop was found, possibly at the same site ( BREITENSTEIN 1943, 10, No. XVI; HORSNæS 2010, 48, 93, 111, Fig. 18). It should also be noted that the 4 th century Roman multi plum from Trunderup ( MACkEPRANG 1952, 107, Pl. 1:3) was found only some two kilometres away. 133
Fig. 5. Kværndrup. Crucibles i n House A 15 duri ng excavation (photo P. O. Thomsen).
Fig. 6. Kværndrup. Crucibles after restoration (photo Svendborg Museum).
OTHER SITES ON FUNEN
Thus, although Kværndrup cannot be called a ‘central place’, the area has yielded above-average nds. The site is about 12 km to the west of Gudme; perhaps a visiting goldsmith from Gudme also worked at Kværndrup. Indeed, such visits are a possibility at numerous sites where drops of precious metal were found, e.g. at Lundsgård SØ, the site of a 3rd–5th century settlement to the northeast of Odense where cultural layers and house remains were excavated by Erling Albrectsen ( ALBRECTSEN 1946, 6–50), and where recent nds include denarii and drops of bronze and silver. In 1977, an oval, polished quartzite stone (FSM 1813) was found there, which Henrik Thrane interpreted as ‘possibly a goldsmith’s tool’. Denarii and hack gold were found on quite a few of the sites surveyed with metaldetectors, as were drops of silver and bronze. The denarii were most likely deposited or lost during the Roman Iron Age or the Migration Period, and it is quite probable that the same is the case for the gold, while hack silver and melted-down silver are at least as likely to be of Viking Age date, if they are not fragments of Roman tableware. Objects found with metal detectors can only be ‘dated’ as part of the general nd spectrum on the site, and it is almost impossible to decide whether denarii and precious metal were hoarded treasure, raw material for goldsmiths, or – as is also possible – sacri ces. HOARDS
The distinction can be difcult enough for objects found in situ. Hoards of precious scrap metal are known from several sites. Like the well-known large hoards from Høstentorp, Hardenberg and Simmersted (MUNkSGAARD 1954; VOSS 1954) or newer nds like those from Engelsborg (AUD 1994, 12f., 234; HORSNæS 2010, 115, 140f.) and Østervang, both in Zealand, they sometimes consist of cutup Roman tableware combined with coins, fragments of ingots, silver-wire clasps (hooks/eyes) and occasional fragments of other Scandinavian jewellery such as relief brooches. At Gudme, such hoards have been interpreted as raw material for the gold and silver smiths, and there is ample evidence to conrm that precious metals were actually processed at Gudme. This is also the interpretation of a hoard from Granly/Fraugde Kærby at Odense on Funen, which was found in a posthole and consisted of a mounted Theodosius I solidus (loop missing), a fragment of a silver-gilt Nydam-style relief brooch, silver ingots and hack silver ( RUNGE 2007; RUNGE/ANDREASEN 2009). 134
For Zealand, the nds from Hørup and Søtoftegård can be mentioned, as can the scattered denarii and scrap silver, including fragments of relief brooches and Roman silver vessels as well as fragments of gold and silver ingots from the Østervang settlement near Køge, some of which were found with metal-detectors, others in settlement pits. The site has furnished evidence of bronze casting already during the early Roman period, but no further traces of metal working in the Migration Period. Fragments of Roman statues and vessels are regarded as bullion and, as is the case at Hørup, there is evidence of other trades such as comb making (TORNBJERG 2002; 2011; HORSNæS et al. 2005). Another recent metal-detector nd of hack gold and silver, including fragments of a relief brooch, from the Herfølge area to the of south of Køge may be relevant (article in the newspaper Lørdagsavisen, 19.12.2011). On Bornholm, the small gold hoard found in 1869 at Sandegård in Åker parish can be mentioned. It consisted of a quarter of the gold bracteate IK 324, four solidi, a sword button, an ingot and some hack gold ( MACkEPRANG 1952, 116; kLINDT-JENSEN 1957, 236). The most striking item here is the quartered bracteate, which can be compared to the equally fragmented bracteates from Bejsebakken, Søtoftegård and Sylten already mentioned above. Another quarter of IK 324 had already been found in 1829 at an unknown location on Bornholm. However, as the Sandegård objects found in 1869 were lying close together, about 0.5 m deep in the settlement layers, the fragments must have been deposited separately. Obviously the bracteate had been cut into several pieces and must, like the rest of the Sandegård hoard, be regarded as bullion. Later metal-detector surveying and samples from the cultural layers indicate that the Sandegård settlement was continually inhabited from the Roman Iron Age to the Viking Age. Miscast brooches and scrap metal, including hack gold, metal workers’ tools, crucibles with bronze remnants, and clay slag to which gold drops adhered, bear witness to ne metal working on the site ( WATT 2006, 154–160). All these scrap-metal nds can possibly be interpreted as hoards hidden by an itinerant goldsmith , or as the local chieftain’s treasure awaiting the goldsmith’s arrival. On the other hand, the open-air gold sacrices at Lærkefryd near Hørup demonstrate that other interpretations of precious scrap metal must also be taken into account. Similarly, Claus Feveile has drawn attention to the fact that several of these sites have no other evidence of metal working, e.g. crucibles or moulds ( FEVEILE 2011, 279). This may not be a conclusive objection as both types of artefact are fragile and depend on favourable circumstances to be preserved. Nevertheless, the fact that not only in the large Simmersted and Høstentorp hoards but also in the much smaller Høgsbrogård nd the fragments of Roman tableware, in particular, had been deliberately folded – with some showing traces of wear as though they had been in circulation for some time – should be a reminder that at least some of these hoards may have yet another signicance, as expressions of wealth, possibly – as proposed by Feveile – originally fragmented outside Scandinavia, perhaps in post-Roman Britain or even in the Roman Empire, where the use of silver fragments as currency is known ( MUNkSGAARD 1987, 84; FEVEILE 2011, 277ff.). Consequently, both the circumstances mentioned here and a general investigation of the gold deposits on Funen ( HENRIkSEN 2010) demonstrate that hoards of precious scrap metal must be examined individually. THE SMITHS
The question of itinerant smiths has been much discussed for many years (e.g. WERNER 1970; WOLTERS 1998, 363ff. with refs.; CALLMER 2003). Johan Callmer has made the important point that if skills and knowledge are to be maintained, a craft must be exercised continuously and with a certain intensity (ibid. 342). Casting non-ferrous metals, be it copper alloys, silver or gold, is a complicated process and requires a profound knowledge of raw materials – which in the Migration Period often consisted of heterogeneous scrap metal – to be able to judge their actual composition and characteristics. 135
Similarly, the making of crucibles and moulds is different from normal pottery making. The casting process requires a strict control of the temperature, which had to be judged by the colour of the metal alone (ibid. 347ff.). These complex processes can only be mastered after a long apprenticeship with a competent teacher, and the acquired skills can only be maintained through constant practice. Due to the absence of population concentrations even in southern Scandinavia, most craftsmen presumably led a more or less itinerant life, which, on the other hand, not only ensured that their production was large enough to maintain quality but also created opportunities for the sharing of technical knowledge, aesthetic values and ideological/iconographical concepts (ibid. 344, 358f.). I would not, however, go as far as to imagine gold or silver smiths roaming randomly from village to village offering their services, not even if they were also skilled in bronze casting. No matter how the distribution of precious-metal jewellery was organized, their primary ’customers’ would be the members of the elite. As mentioned above, permanent bronze working can be presumed at Uppåkra, as well as on the ‘workshop farms’ that also handled gold and silver at Gudme. The ‘port-of-trade’ at Lundeborg will have been closely connected with Gudme but, due to the location of the settlement, literally on the shore of the Great Belt, Lundeborg was probably only used on a seasonal basis. On smaller, or less aristocratic, sites like Kværndrup or even Slöinge, temporary visits of gold and silver smiths could explain the workshop remains found there, perhaps as part of the ‘redistribution’ policies of the chieftains at centres like Gudme. The nds in the Hørup/Søtoftegård area in northern Zealand and the solitary Grubenhaus at Torstorp Vesterby may also indicate itinerant smiths or temporary activity. ‘INGOT MOULDS’
Sites where single pieces of evidence of precious-metal smiths have been found include Postgården, with the bracteate die already mentioned above, and a 4 th –5th century settlement at Stavad in northern Jutland where a crucible was found without other workshop remains ( DEHN 1980). Other possible indications of goldsmiths are the presumed stone moulds for gold ingots. They are problematic, however, both with regard to their actual function and because they were also used in other periods – one was found (unfortunately only as a surface nd) at Welsburg in Lower Saxony, a site that has otherwise yielded only 14 th –15th century nds (SCHESCHkEWITz 2000). However, a securely dated Danish nd is known from a 6 th century Grubenhaus at Darum in southwestern Jutland ( JENSEN 1985, 114f. with Fig. 8). Surface nds are known from Slöinge ( LUNDqVIST 2003, 72) and Gudme II (THRANE 1992, 332 Fig. 18), sites that were denitely occupied in the Iron Age, as well as from other less well-known Danish sites ( THRANE 1987, 6 with Note 34 and Fig. 2). The nd context for a mould from Vorbasse has not been published, but this piece, an unprovenanced one in the Haderslev Museum and the one from the High Middle Ages found at Welsburg all contained traces of gold ( WIELL 1975). It is therefore obvious that these objects were used by goldsmiths, but I am not convinced by their interpretation as ingot moulds: the actual ingots found have blunt rounded ends and straighter backs; the ‘moulds’ would produce ingots which, seen from the side, would be highest at the middle with smoothly tapering ends. Other explanations should be considered, possibly – as proposed for the Torstorp Vesterby ‘soldering stone’ – in connection with the making of solder. Perhaps chemical analyses of the pieces with traces of gold might provide an answer.
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CONCLUDING REMARkS
To sum up: we do have quite a few sites with evidence of precious-metal smiths but, apart from the Grubenhäuser at Torstorp Vesterby and Kværndrup – at both sites unique in their local context – and the four-post structures at Gudme and Lundeborg hardly any workshop remains or evidence of longer visits have been identied in southern Scandinavia. But what can we expect? Several of the conference speakers were able to demonstrate that a goldsmith needs only a small, portable set of tools and no larger installations than a small forge or hearth, the traces of which can easily be obliterated. Thus visits from itinerant smiths need not leave any archaeologically identiable remains. Clay moulds and crucibles also decay if they are not very soon sealed in a pit, a refuse layer, a Grubenhaus, or a burnt-down house. Our best chance of locating a permanent workshop building may be at the large and stable central places, especially at Uppåkra and Sorte Muld with their preserved cultural layers. However, even there, the workshop structures may be as inconspicuous as at Gudme and Lundeborg, and difcult to identify in the thick, dark cultural layers. Or can we hope for a beautifully preserved structure like the workshop at Skeke in Uppland, presented by Eva Hjärthner-Holdar in this volume? ACkNOWLEDGEMENTS
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Dr. phil. Morten Axboe Nationalmuseet København Frederiksholms Kanal 12 DK 1220 København K [email protected]
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