C l o r a ke ke s a s h i n a v e a s w e l a s h i n ffoo rm rm an an t a n h ro ro po p o lo lo g s t W e a r e b ei ei n o bs b s er er ve ve d a n d i ns ns cr cr ib ib ed ed . -PAUL
RABI RABINO NOW, "REPRES PRESEN ENTA TATIO TIONS
AR
1.
SOCIA
ic
orit orit
1724 1724 fron fronti tisp spie iece ce of Fath Father er Lafi Lafita tau' u' quains port portra rays ys th ethn ethnog ogra raph pher er as t ab ab l
a mi mi d a rt rt i a ct ct s f r
E gy gy pt pt . t ab ab l
a ut ut ho ho r i s a cc cc o p r s en en titi n
w riri t ' s
th
en
of
Moeu Moeurs rs de sauvages ameri-
youn youn
woma woma
ew Wo ld an fr a ni ni e
h e u l i ma ma t
wo o ur ur c
h e i m g e t ow ow ar ar d w hi hi c
bank bank of clou clouds ds wher wher t an an d t h e d e m
FACTS" CTS"
th
h er er u th
sitt sittin in
at
cl ssca wh tr th
ou
writ writin in
re ce
s si si s i n t h t as as k i ss ss ui ui n
om
l ifif t
f ro ro m h e er
ze is
Adam Adam Eve,and Eve,and th serp serpen en appe appear ar Abov Abov them them an an t h A po po ca ca l s e o n e i h e i d
radi radian an tria triang ngle le bear bearin in th Hebr Hebrew ew scri script pt fo Yahweh. The fronti frontispi spiece ece for Malin Malinows owski' ki' Argo Argona naut ut of th West Wester er Paci Pacifi fi
e ck ck l c e i s b ei ei n
o ffff er er e
prof profil ile, e, thei thei atte attent ntio io ea ev nt of
el
to
ro ri
hi f, wh
t an an d
appa appare rent ntly ly conc concen entr trat ated ed on th e si si a
l ifif e B u
he oo
rite rite of exch exchan ange ge
c lo lo se se r i ns ns pe pe ct ct i
in Trob Trobri rian ande ders rs ma be seento seento be look lookin in
is
he ow
at th came camera ra 21
DISCOURSES
22
a ll e o r
Lafitau's
than originates e nc e
i s h e l es s f a i li a
t hn o r a h i
se rc
on
hi
t ho r t r n sc ri b
Unlike Malinowski's photo, th engravin he
xp ri a wk s
c e- de s i t
r es e r c
a fi t u '
ha
r at h
make no ref-
f iv e y ea r
as ea ne
GR
im
re s pe ct e
HI
HO IT
what Mikhai Bakhti (1953) called "heteroglossia," This ambiguous, multivocal worl make it increasingly hard to conceive of huma diverit
i ns cr i
in ou de
fect of inventiv
Orienta/ism (1978) an w or ks h p .
g r p hs ,
ss rt
g es t a n t h t hi s f ra g
fr
e se nc e t h
of th sc
nt of
ob ia
r e l it y K ul a
nowski's book ha been made perfectl tual frame, whil
e fo r t h
h e e th n g ra p e r
participant'
xc
ng
l en s i t l s s u c ti v l y c o
he
graphi
o si n
u bj ec t o f
li
n al ed : Y o r e h er e . . b ec a s e w a t he r . " This chapte traces th formatio an breaku in twentieth-centur
social anthropology
count, no is it base on
full
tation an textualitv.' Such
to th ob
of ethnographic au
It is no
complete ac
writin
1960 an 1970s. Afte th
negritude movement's reversal of the European gaze, after anthropology's de
an
no
communicatio th
s el v s , i n
r es p c t t o i t l i e r
h a t h W es t a n
purveyor of anthropologica s sa r t o i m g i rl
lo ge
s ta tu s w it hi n
Sur /a "phi/osophie
h e r oc ed u e s b y w hi c
afri li
reductionist us of dichotopor-
if er nt pe pl ll
of th
f or m c o el ti
bu no sovereig
s hi p
le
c o c re t
k no wl ed g
i ma g
on
a n p ow e
scientific method or ethica stance ca
de p r s en ta ti o torica relation of dominanc Th experiment
ho l e s t t hi s an dialogue
in ethnographic writin
n ot h r ,
h a c o n ec t t he m guarante
c h- i
e ci fi c
.the
is
surveyed in this chapte do
in nton colonial
ca no
r es e
i ts el f a s t h
u ni qu e
influence, people interpre others an
i v r si t
i di o s -
l ob a
el (i)
e e i n t er m
representation
ze an
They ar
y st e a ti c a n l ys i o f o st -
perhap
best understood as compo-
of engage theory recently recommende
i ch e
he he ry
u ca ul t
he
ti
o ns tr uc te d i s n o
s ys t
he ry bu
by Gilles
t o l ki t i n t ru m
t,
ea logic
h e i mp e i a
knowledg abou others it ha become necg e e r l iz e t h o gr a h y W it h e xp a d e
an intercultura w il d r i
ou
cannot entirely escape th
nent of that "toolkit
it
Paulin Hountondji's
ve as ra ic
mies an essences it ca at leas struggle self-consciously to avoi
realized theory of ethnographic interpre
proces in th radica cultural theories of th de conscience
is an ef
theory's contours ar problematic, sinc th
activity of cross-cultural representation is no more than usuall in ques tion Th presen predicamen is linked to th breaku an redistribution
cris
if er nc
visible, centered in th percep
glance redirect ou attentio
servationa standpoint we share, as readers, with th ethnographer an hi camera Th predominan mode of modern fieldwor authorit issig
thorit
c ul t e s
huma groups ca be represente withou proposin systematic sharpl ne method or epistemologies Thes studie sugges that whil ethno-
t i p i c e f ro m Argonauts,
r es e c e- th a
i nd ep e d e
syncretism In recent year work such as Edward Said's
caine ( 19 7 c ro wd e
23
o nd it i
of
at hi iv
w hi c s i u at i
contribute to dertakin n tl y
1. Only English, American an French examples ar discussed. If it islikel th th d e o f u t o ri t n al yz e h er e r e a bl e t o n er al iz e w id el y attemp ha been made to extend them to othe national traditions It isassume also in th antipositivist traditio of Wilhel Dilthey, that ethnograph isa process of interpretation no of explanation. Mode of authorit base on naturalscientific epistemologies ar no discussed. In it focu on participan observatio asan intersubjectiv proces at th hear of twentieth-centur ethnography, this discussion scants number of contributing source of authority: fo exampl th weight of accumulate "archival" knowledg abou particular groups of crosscultural comparativ perspective, an of statistica survey work
i nv e t i a ti o
e fl e t i
ca w il l
s" (F
c ar ri e
s te p b y s t
b e i s o ri c
c au l 1 9 0 :1 4
in so ls
h e a si s i t a sp e t s
9 7 : 20 8) .
ay
practica reflection on cross-cultural representation by un
an inventor nd
nl c es s i l
of th
t he se ,
better though imperfect, approaches cur-
t h o g a p i c f i l dw or k
ai
a n u n s ua l
2. "Heteroglossia assume that "languages do no exclude each other, bu rather intersec with each othe in many differen ways (the Ukrainia language th language of th epic poem of earl Symbolism, of th student, of particular generation of children of th run-of-the-mil intellectual of th Nietzschean, s o o n) . I t i g ve e e t h t h v er y o r l a ag l os e l l e a i n i n t h p r c e s -f o p a e nt l t h r e i s n o s i g l p la n h ic h l l t h s e l an guages migh be juxtaposed to on another" (291). a t i s s ai d la gu ge applie equall to "cultures" an "subcultures." Se also Volosino (Bakhtin?) 1953:291, esp chaps. 1-3; and Todorov 1981:88-93.
DISCOURSES
24
sensitiv er
method
ce
Participan observatio di
oblige
nt
c tu a
it practitioner ev
to ex
ss
of
ch pu
ze
[ ar ni n 1 98 2a ;
si
t oc ki n
translation. It requires arduou
language learning some degree of direct
fairly spea of
involvemen
an ofte
i ca l a bs tr ac ti on s w er e ra s cr i o n
an
conversation
cultural expectations
er ce he ed un ideal; bu asa mean fo producin jectiv
engagement th
p la r
uniquely Wester
discipline an
u ra l d es cr ip t o n a r
of
retain
ph
ar
ci
u nd er go in g i mp or ta n ca no
ul
be
h e r ep re se nt at io n o f o th er ne ss .
have maintained
an specifically on ethnograph
focu
sinc
de
1950
e th no gr ap hi c a ut ho r t y
T h c ur re n c ri si s- o a ke s i t p os si b
to
b et ar
of
c on ce p i o
o f f ie l
r es ea rc h e st ab li sh e
i ts el f a s t h
n or m f o
u ro -
of da of
specialists, emerged as
a bo u e xo t
p eo pl es . I t i s n o
single research method "Intensive
d e i ne d ( Co mp ar e G ri au l
1 95 7 w i
o ve r h e h eg em on y o f f ie ld wo r
privileged, sanctioned source
p re ta ti on s t hr ou g is
i nt en s
r el at io n
ad
rs
at
I n a na ly zi n ac
a t e th n
T hi s w ri ti n
an
Boas an he
un
th
st
d'
no
92
an
t hi s c om pl e s,
i nc lu de s
e xt ua l
an
ak
writte
er
di
p ro du ce s c u t ur a
n te r
i s u nr ul y e xp er i
account? How, precisely,
s s d is cr e
rl
t ra ns fo rm at io n o n
om
ni
m in i a ll y
p ol i i ca l c on s r ai n
th
p ur ve yo r o f t ru t by an
co
as an se
t ra ns la ti o
u s b ea r i n m in d t h n me s e d
ri
o f e xp er ie nc e i nt o e xt ua l
b y h e a ct io n o f m ul ti pl e s ub je ct iv i i e
b ey on d t h c on tr o o f h e w ri te r I n r es po ns e t o enacts
specific strategy of authority.
involved an unquestioned clai
i n t h t ex t ua
nd
th
c om pl e
to appear as
c ul tu ra l e xp er ie nc e i s e n un -
Tikopia by Raymon
Firth; Nous avons
f or e by Georges Condominas
by
Margaret Mead; The Nuer by E. E. Evans-Pritchard. h e d is cu ss io n h a f ol lo w on
he
of
ro ee
f ir s l oc at e
t we n i et h- ce nt ur y cr
ue
o bs er va nd
ng
Differen
su
on
e-
strategies of ethnographic b y e th no gr ap he r
r ej ec t s ce ne s o f c ul tu ra l r ep re se n a ti p
nowski's frontispiece
h is to ri ca ll y i n
de
m a b e s ee n i n r ec en t e xp er im en t
c on sc io us l
h i a ut ho ri t
s c e nc e o f p ar ti ci pa n
view of emerging textua practices. Alternat a ut ho ri t
3. have not attempte to surve ne stylesof ethnographicwriting that ma be originating outside th West As EdwardSaid Paulin Hountondji, and othershave shown, considerabl work of ideologica "clearing," oppositional critical work, remains an it isto thisthat non-Westernintellectual havebee devoting greatpar of thei energies.My discussionremainsinside but at th experimentalboundariesof, realistcultural scienceelaboratedin the Occident. Moreover, it doe no consideras areasof innovation th "para-ethnographic genresof ora history th nonfictio novel th "ne journalism, travel litera ture, and the documentar film.
en
thes forces ethnographic writin
m or e t ho r
Torres Strait expedition were matche
s pe c f i
c ro ss -c ul tu ra l e nc ou n e r s ho t t hr ou g
or
ra
h e d ev el op me n examples of Fran
ca
anthropolog-
p er so na l c ro ss -p ur po se s c ir cu ms cr ib e
f or m T h p ro ce s i s c om pl ic at e
ci
w a e s a bl is he d e ar li e a n
19 on
an individual author
m an g
1 ) M or e
e mb od ie d
r es ea rc h e xp er ie nc es , h o
g ar ru lo us , o ve rd e e r i ne d
ethnograph
M al in ow sk i 1 92 2 c ha p
an
e th no gr ap h
into an authoritativ
w it h p ow e
q ue st io n h er e o f t h d o i na nc e ha been variousl
consensus: vali
ss
c on ve nt io ns .
This strategy ha classicall university-traine
ad
m id -1 93 0
b e b as ed , w he re ve r p os si b e , o n i nt en s v e c ul al ch rs hi s ty l
co
f ro m t he s
ence transforme
an ne
developing internationa
re en
t hi s d is cu s
on professional anthropology
19
practices. t an c
of "anthropology,
Da ar Djbo
1 98 3) . N ev er th el es s b y t h
b ee n m ad e p op ul ar , i ns ti tu ti on al iz ed ,
exem w it h
permanent. Curren styles of cul-
l im i e d a n
no
certai
b ee n i de n i fi e
from more genera political-epistemologica
an
e r d is pe rs io n- o
ti
totalizing scienc
h is to ri ca ll y
understood in isolatio sion however,
ha fo
no necessaril
metamorphoses. he de op b a e s a bo u w ri ti n
on ng ci ra el up knowledg from an intense, intersub
i f f ie ld wo r
associations ar
myth of fieldwork. Th actual
practice of ethnograph
s ta tu s M or eo ve r
thes
derangemen of personal an
Ther is of course
25
IT
in th
wh
sef-
s ty l o f M al i
secula versions of Lafiteau's crowde
scriptoria workshop ar emerging In th ne
paradigm of authorit
th
4. In th presentcrisisof authority, ethnograph hasemergedas subject of historical scrutiny. For new critica approachesseeHartog 1971 Asa 1973 Burridg 1973:chap. 1; Duchet 1971 Boon1982; De Certeau1980 Sai 1978; Stocking 1983; and Rupp-Eisenreich1984
27
DISCOURSES
26
Christia No hi
deit or it twentieth-centur replacements Ma an Culture. re in of th av nl a bl e x ce p t h n t r o o lo gi st '
scumbled imag
in
mirror Th silenc
ok n-
in is en
of th ethnographic workshop
t e o gl o
ic s,
th
ri in
i ne te e t h c e t ur y n ot hi n
gu an ee
i or i t h
ethnographer's status asth best interprete of native life-a oppose h e t ra v l er , sp ci ll th i s i on a a d i ni st ra t r , s o om ha be ri
fr
p la y
in
fi ld fa lo ge an ha
ra
fi wa
base on
il on
s hi n
r e i s i gn if i a nt . D u i n ea ed an th ri
(a
ce tr
le in
o ul d c al l i n h i in he fi ld orex
t a l is hi n
e tt e
to
s e r c c o t ac t
db ll to
ga
ea
t hi s e ri o r ti c l a rm th ci ti ic ll l id a e d
unique personal experience
During th
1920 Malinowski
cr di fo th fi ld or er
l i h t i s t ta ck s l e h e l on i
th co t en c i st ra t A l
om t ou l
ti rs
th temerity to contradict science' findings concerning Trobrian conceptions of paternity, wa exco municate in th page of Man o r i s unprofessional "polic cour perspective" (see Rentou 1931a,b Mali no sk 2) tt ck a t u ri s i n h e i el d w a e ss e en furthe by A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, who, asIa Langha to epitomiz
th scientific professional discoverin
ha shown, came
rigorous social laws
(Langham 1981:chap. 7) What emerge during th firs half of th twen tiet centur with th succes of professional fieldwor wa ne fusion er nographi
th or an description.
i ri c
re ea ch
c ul t a l
n al ys i
it
th
"man on th spot (i Jame Frazer'swords an th sociologis or anthro p ol o i s i n t h t r p ol e i s i vi si o ab a ri e i n i ff e n t tional traditions
In th
kn
le
le
th or
fr
f i s th a
ethnographic knowledg
cl se
(a na io th ri
however, before Malinowski Radcliffe-Brown, an l l e st a l is h th rm of th i v s i y -t r i n
s cr at c i n
other pens.
At
sociological syntheses; an Boas rather earl on made intensiv fieldwork th sine qu no of seriou anthropologica discourse. In general,
United Statesfo exampl of he
lt es
at
er
orga
ha personal
ra
at ri
5 . O n t h s up pr es si o o f d ia lo gu e i n L af it au ' f ro nt is pi ec e a n of te ed ah or ua or ed nt ro Michel de Certeau's detail e analysis (1980)
th
fo
is
c on st i
base on intensiv ts oo does it advanc
se ch
a th e
prevailed. Fo exampl
collaboratio
Mead ha successs ch ol a t es ti n nd i ff er e
with indigenous translator
th
an
an
infor-
is ga iz un f ie l o r x p r ie n e , n o unifie interpretive hypothesis functional historical
or otherwise. It is conten with low-leve generalization in
ec no
The Melanesians (1891)
l ec t
ng
i nf o
a ti on . C o r in gt o
incompleteness of hi knowledge, believin
( p v i- vi i is a li e e o l es -t h
that real understandin
d e s t n di n he if ic lt an a r o f l e r ni n
problems of acquirin
an th amass-
i s c ut el y a w r e
as in th rl n le a n in g de th
thorough linguistic competence-tende
to dom-
inat th work of Codrington's generation Such assumption woul soon be challenged by th more confiden cultural relativism of th Malinowki ro
d el . a rl i
th
he ra
ne
r, an
f i l d o rk e sh pl is in on he sp t" he i ss i a r
h e t r v el er - h o
kn wl
is th
in ig
t h s el ve s a d i ni st r t or , ou
p le s
they argued wa no informed by th best scientific hypotheses or ficien neutrality. Before th
emergenc oh
th qualit
report on whic
an
in
of th yl
ub
of professional ethnography, writer
J . F . M cl e n a
se
ck
ul iv in
phisticate researcher in th fiel A ft e 3, e wl y a p i n
E. B.
lo
such as
t te m e d t o c o t r
thei anthropologica lo g- er
suf-
r ki n
synthese were
Note an
Queries
r el at io n
w it h s o
such asthe missionary Lorime Fison. d e i n n t r o o lo g x fo r yl
worked to encourag th systematic gatherin of ethnographic data by qualifie professionals. Th United States Bureau of Ethnology, alread founding committe on th Northwestern ribe of Canada Th committee's firs agen in th fiel wa th nineteen-year-vetera missionary a mo n
he
ji wa
E . . W il so n
physicis in th proces of turnin
U-SFQ
BIBLIOTECA
wa
e pl ac e
b ef o
lo
oa
to professional ethnography. George
28
DISCOURSES
HI
IT
29
Andama Islanders 9 2 in Radcliffe-Brown' blsh wi in ea a c o th e A n a l o u
Stocking ha persuasively argued that th replacemen of Wilson by Boas "marks th beginnin of an importan phas in th developmen of Britis
foun er
ethnographic
develope quit differen fieldwor styles an vision of cultural science, both earl text provid explicit argument fo th specia authorit of th
ethod: th collection of data by academically traine
nat-
ural scientists defining themselves as anthropologists, an involved also in th formulatio an evaluation of anthropologica theory (1983:74). Wi Bo s' rl ur ey or an th rg ce in natural-scientis fieldworkers such as A. C . a d
18 B al dw i
th Sp n-
wo ks h ei r u th o
ethnographer-anthropologist. a li n s ki , a s h i t e f o t h c ru ci a i nt r u ct i show wa greatl concerne with th rhetorical proble
t o Argonauts of convincing
h i e a r s h a h e f ac t u tt i b ef o he re j ec ti v l y acquired no subjective creation (Stockin 1983:105). Moreover he work of this "intermediat generation," as Stocking call them Th ne styl of research wa clearl differen from that of issionarie an othe
wa full awar that "i Ethnography, th distance isoften enormous be twee th brut material of information-as it is presente to th studen in hi ow
more closel
together th
empirica
thropologica inquiry" (1983:72). he establishmen of intensiv s io n
or
w ev e
ul
an theoretica participan
observatio
w ai t t h
li
as
w sk i
profes oh t.
of ethnographer di no typicall live in re st in th ve na ul nd nd r-
goin personal learning experience comparable to an initiation They di no spea ascultura insiders bu retained th natura scientist' documentary observationa ec de of th
stance Th principa
ce tu y,
an
a mi lt o
exceptio
C us hi n
v e i fi c t i an c co u t a i li t .. lo on he e l o f t h s ci en c
of th Zuni coul
put, before th
i so l e d
o m u ni t eq ir co
ci
t if i a nt h an ag of
late nineteenth centur
th ethnogra
tension betwee wo
ethnograph an anthropology is importan in perceiving th recent an perhap temporary, conflation of th
r oj ec ts .
gist"-squattin or in authorit
an
l i o ws k
i ve s
by th campfire i n r p e ti n
ob ia
th
ag
"his ow
experience of th natives' experience [might become th read
er's experience as well
(Stockin
Chapte 3) Th proble
1983:106
se also Payn 1981 an
of verification an accountability that ha rel-
n o s ki '
of he ne
a nt h p ol o
he li er ry ch te
isthe firs chapte of Argonauts, with it prominentl
t hi s
ew
displaye
photograph of th ethnographer's tent pitche amon Kiriwinian dwellings Th sharpest methodological justificatio fo th ne od isto be
nd
i s a n i et y i s e fl e t e
in th
t a c o t ai n
in
Argonauts, "Chronological List of Kula EventsWitnessed by th Writer," th constant alternatio betwee impersonal descriptio of typica behavior an state-
Argonauts i s
o mp l
t h o g p hi c f ie l
rr ti
or
is
si
l ta n
c he ty pi ca l
nographies that successfully establishe
th
u sl y th ge
b ri a r at io n
l if e th
scientific validity of partici-
pant observation. Th stor of research buil into Argonauts, int Mead' the Tikopia became an implicit narrativ underlying al professional report on exotic worlds If subseue t h o g p hi e id ed in lu d ev el o fi ld or counts it wa becaus such accounts were assu ed once
looking, listening, an questioning; re li e.
of in
th "ethnographi present, illusive dramatizations of th author's partic ipatio in scenes of Trobrian life), techniques alinowsk used so that
no confer scientific authority.
pher an th anthropologist th describer-translator of custom an th builde of genera theories abou humanity were distinct (A clea sens correctl
presentation of th results" (Malinowsk
Stocking ha nicely analyzed th variou literary artifice Argonauts ( i ng in rr ti o n t ru ct s th c ti v oi
discourse, channels of regula communication, an at leas minima consensus on judgin method (1983:66). Cushing' intuitive, excessivel Schematicall
th fina authoritativ
before th thir a in e
instance As Curtis Hinsle ha suggested, Cushing' long firsthan stud of th Zunis, hi quasi-absorption into thei wa of life "raise problems
personal understandin
observations in native statement, in th kaleidoscope of tribal
life-and 1922:3-4).
av
Th "intermediat generation i ng l l oc al e f o ea
components of an
de th
en
statemen
th e r of, fo example, Godfre Lienhardt' single senDivinit an Experience (196 :vii): "Thi book e gi n i n
i s b as e
tw
ea s'
am
h e D in k
re
ov
h e e ri o
of 1947-1950." In he
0s th
ne
f ie l
o r e r t h o ri s
br ug
co
l et i
30
IC
DISCOURSES
powerful ne scientific an literary genre, th ethnography, syntheti cultural descriptio base on participan observatio (Thornto 1983). Th ne
styl of representation depended on institutiona
ological innovation circumventin othe cultures that ha preoccupie
an method
th obstacle to rapi knowledg of th best representative of Codring-
ton' generation Thes ma be briefl summarized i rs t t h p e s o h e f i l dw o k e w a v al i
te
bo
pu li ly
an professionally In th popula domain visibl figure such asMalinowski ead, an arce Griaul co municate vision of ethnogra ph as both scientifically demandin an heroic Th professional ethno ap
ai
in th
la st
al ti
t ec h i q e s
quickly, grasping it essentia institutions an structures
prescribed at from mission-
aries, administrators
establishe
an others whos view of native was, presumably
that vali
research could, in practice
nacula (eve though as Lowi
suggested, no on woul
be accom-
credit
trans-
lation of Proust that wa base on an equivalent knowledg of French). Third, th ne ethnograph wa marked by an increase emphasis on th
we
o b e r a ti on . C ul t
on tr ed
se
le
characteristic behaviors, ceremonies and gestures susceptible to record in p la n t i tr in lo er re se hi in ur thes (indeed, he ow
powers of visual analysis were extraordinary)
As
genera tren th participant-observer emerge asa research norm Of course successful fieldwor mobilize th fulles possible rang of interactions, bu
titude of cultural relativism distinguishe
th fieldworke
generall
31
IT
distinct primac
wa accorded to th visual interpretation
as ie to s cr i i o f te r l i w sk i ge ra s pi c o n " p i vi lege informants reflecte this systematic preference fo th (methodi cal observation of the ethnographe ove the (interested interpretations of indigenou authorities
lessdispassionate, wh were preoccupie with th problems of govern ment or conversion In addition to scientific sophistication an relativist
Fourth certai powerful theoretica abstractions promised to help academic ethnographer "get to th heart" of cultur more rapidl than
sympathy rg
beliefs. Withou
variet of normativ standard fo th ne form of research i el d r k a s t o l iv e i n t h ti v il la g us th ve
nacular, stay
sufficient (but seldom specified) length of time investigat
certai classi subjects an so on Second it wa tacitl agreed that th new-styl ethnographer whos sojour in th fiel seldom exceeded tw years, an more frequently wa much shorter, coul efficientl "use native language withou "mastering" them In significan articl of 1939 argare Mead argued that th th
gr
he
f ol l w in g
he
l i o ws ki a
e sc ri pt i
to
v oi d i n e r
pr te to co du r e e a c h i n h e v e n a u la r i d o t i n c t n e to attain "virtuosity" in native tongues, bu coul "use th vernacular to as questions, maintain rapport, an generall whil i on .
ge alon
in th cultur
obtainin good research result in particular area of concentrais in ff u st i i e h e a ct i h ic h e a u r l at i e l
sh t ay s oc o n s pe ci f d o i n uc c hi l o o o r p e sonality," foci that woul function as "types fo cultural synthesis. He attitude toward language "use wa broadl study called Th difficul Lowi
characteristic of an ethno-
(1940) writin
provoked
shar response from Robert
from th olde Boasia tradition, more philological
undertaking, fo example,
Br wn
vernacular an th veniently limited.
s t c tu r , " p r v i
s h r t e se a c h
comple
pa
i ve n f o
l et e i nv e t o ti
th
t o o ci a s t c tu r
gr ph
Th ai
dominantly synecdochi to
sc ip io
c us to m b u
A n i n i vi du a
li
wa con-
n al o i e
i nt e d e
to
a th e
y cl e
ge
it
co
also serve, ascoul
rhetorical stance of th ne i cr o o s
ne
wa no to contrib-
plex like th Kula ring or th Nave ceremony coul
a ss u
s h r tc ut .
whole, wa always to much
he
focu thematically on particular institutions co
t hi s o r
rang of necessar contextual knowledg
Fifth, sinc culture, seenas
ut
of custom an
to know natives, thei comple
in im te t ai l t h r e e a c h u l g o a ft e yiel centra armature or structur of th cul-
el of "s ci
a st e i n
thorough inventor
spending year gettin
la gu es it selected data that woul
we
Nuer
research Mead's articl
someon
ethnography, part
h ol es .
hi
e tt i
of
institutiona foreground agains cultural background in th portraya of coherent worl lent itself to realis literary conventions. Sixth, th
wholes thus represente
tended to be synchronic
prod
HN
DISCOURSES
32
ucts of short-term research activity Th intensiv
fieldworke
coul
plau
ritual series patterns of typica behavior To introduc
long-ter
33
scientific abstractio oo
year
HI
to focu
research an
o f e n p re se nt s i ts el f
no consistently
ar um
it theoretica
they effectivel
pant observation. This ma be seen in
It
Thes
served to.validate an efficien ethnograph
innovation
scientific participan
observation. Thei combined effect ca
base on be seen in
Pritchard's stud Th Nuer, publishe in 1940 Base on eleven months of research conducted-as th book's remarkable introduction tell us in almost impossible conditions t o c o p os e ilta
c l s si c H e
e xp e i ti o
Evans-Pritchar
ri ed in Nu rl
an
he
ge
nonetheles
on th he ls
eq es
th
p un it iv e
g o e rn m
th
who, he tell
In th circumstance
us were skille
hi monograp
betwee
territoria
segments lineages ag sets an
is
et
fr
of time an wh
tation. Th Nuer i s vernacular text
dens. Evans-Pritchar an arranged in th so ia st ct s c i bi n
f ac t
" h p h z ar d
te iv
in th
styl
agains an "eco
patterns relationship
space. Evans-Pritchar c al l
othe more flui
ensemble is portraye
logical" backdrop composed of migrator notion
i ff ic ul t t o f in d a n is
g li s
t ha t
e q t el y
ve al e g ar d t h
th
sc ib
t h t ri b
s it es , i t
ut do
a s o s u e ri o r a k , f o
aswe
l or di n
i n w hi c
yo
th
wn rs
ar
a st ur es , i t f i h in g
th so
r i t oc ra ts , it ve ot
diel have prestige rather than rank an influenc
s im pl e t rb es m n . ther
er
subjectivity of partici-
discursive positions
d ec l e d t h i d
dil la
or
t rb e
t o i m l y t ha t
h av e m ph at ic al l later-the
comple
characteristic paragraph, whic
series of discontinuou
ol
li
yo
rs is
rather than r e m or e t h
th co
t ry , i t v i
t he r
o pl e i v
w el ls .
by virtue of marriage into your clan adoption into your lineage, so
th
s oc ia l t i
l ea d
na
y ou r c la n i s i nv ok e
th re
dil
wh
Th firs thre
o f t h t ri b
t h t rb e
t h v il ag e t h v il la g
cattle clusters around it bull
manage to presen hi stud as
bu
a n t h s pe ar -
o e t o w ar .
c lu st er s r o n d
im
en ve he
(1969:215)
sentence ar presente asan argument abou translation,
of th effectivenes of theory He focuse on Nuer polit-
groups This analytically derive cattle
hi questions.
isa kind of miracle.
straints on hi research Evans-Pritchar demonstratio
at evadin
reader in th
cial position of diel i n
wa able
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. He wa th object of constant an intens suspiwith informants
implicat
progresse through
been sufficiently denounced.
data Th
d es cr i t i
e rv e n a r at e v oc at i n te rp r t at i n s e r l if e h es e passagesfunction rhetorically as more than simple "exemplification," fo
al to easy to exclud
consequences that have by no
comple
argument is surrounded by skillfully ob
new-styl fieldwork. Thus when Malinowski an Radcliffe-Brow established thei critique of th "conjectural history" of th diffusionists, it wa diachronic processe asobject of fieldwork, with
arrang
a th e t ha n
om
of Malinowski's
sharpl
n ec es sa r
e m l if i a ti o
ra
a li n w sk i n ) d o u m n n di u o bs er v t i n s a n Argonauts and C or a G ar -
w or k th
ry
If
a m c cu se d he
e s o n t o o te ,
have been understood (1969:261) In Th Nuer Evans-Pritchar make strong claims fo th
"I yo
ar
the second-perso
construc-
textua participation. Th fina
with
distinguishe
argues rigorously that "facts ca only be selected ligh of theory." Th fran abstractio of political-
o ff er s t h
sentence beginnin
tion brings together reader an native in
powe of
reader no
assimilate
from th
standpoint of
participant-observer),
evokes th scen by mean of Nuer cattle metaphors. In th paragraph' eigh sentence an argument abou translatio participatio
to
descriptions
Th subjective joinin
passesthrough
fictio
of
metaphorical fusion of external an indigenous cultural of abstract analysis an concrete ex
perience is accomplished Evans-Pritchar
woul
of Th Nuer rejectin
late move away from th theoretica position
it advocacy of "socia structure" as
privileged
framework. Indeed each of th fieldwor "shortcuts enumerated earlie wa an remain contested. Ye by thei deployment in differen combi-
DISCOURSES
34
n at i
s , h e a ut h r i
of th
a ca d
i c i el d o rk er -t h o ri s
35
w a e st ab -
li he in he a r e tw e 92 n d 1 95 0 h i c ul ia r a m l ga m intens personal experience an scientific analysis (understoo in this period asbot "rit of passage" an "laboratory" emerge asa method participan observation. Though variousl understood an no disputed in many quarters this method remain th chie distinguishing featur of professional anthropology duce
in th writin
It comple
subjectivity
is routinel
repro-
participant-observer
As we shal see, this versio
fyin
source of authorit Ex
ki
p ri nc i l e b et we e t h i n i d th e ns e o f s pe ci fi c
serves as shorthan
o ut si d cc re ce
fo
continuous tackin
v en ts : o n h e n e n d r as pi n n d g es tu re s p at h t ic al l on th
othe stepping back to situat thes eaning in wide contexts Partic ular events thus acquir deeper or more genera significance structural rules, an soforth Understood literally, participan observatio d ox ic al , ti
hi
isea in is ho
f or m l a he
bu it
e th od '
b e a ke n s er i
st
e rs ua si v
r ec en t
sl
is
par-
i f e fo r
e fe nd e
av
interpretation have however, been accorded differen em
phases when presente been an
as claims to authority. In recent year ther
ha
marked shif of emphasis from th former to th latter This sectio he
ha olow
w il l e xp l
t h r at h
i f e r n t c l i m o f x pe -
rience an interpretation aswel astheir evolving interrelation. Th growin prestige of th fieldworker-theorist down played (withou
l i i na ti n
a st er y
as
be fi ed
r oc es se s l ev e
di to
th
ha fi ur
s e d e u at e f o a m s si n
i s r et e
body of data in limite period of time Th task of textua transcriptio an translation, alon with th crucia dialogical role of interpreters an "privilege informants," were relegate to secondary, sometime even despised status Fieldwor wa centered in th experience of th particip a t -o bs er vi n
s ua l
i m l yi n
sc ol r.
s o e th i
s h r p i ma g
i n t o f ri e
or
a r a ti v
s hi p
ut
it
hi
tone gesture, an in th
villag
of dail
pe r-
e xp er ie nc e
explicit in th text of th earl professional
Margaret Mead's clai
e th o
lt re th ou
an th comprehensio
Colin Turnbull'
to gras
th
underlying
h ei gh te ne d s en si ti vi t
to or
behavioral styles an Malinowski's stresson hi life
existence, ar prominen
derive
from th "imponderabilia"
case in point. Many ethnographies-
Forest People
experiential mode assertin prio to an specific research hypothesis or method th "I wa there" of th ethnographer asinsider an participant. in ui io ,"
e st at e i t t h t r i ti o ha le fr W il h l m D il th ey , v i We ber, to "symbols an meanings anthropologist like Clifford Geertz Ex perience an
in th field.
r i n ti a a ut h r i i s a se d o n " f l " f o t h f o e i c on te xt , c cu m l at e a vv y e ns e o t h s t l e o f o pl e o r l a e .
participant-observers. "Participant observation"
it princi
pa assumption that th experience of th researcher ca serv asa uni-
Such an appeal isfrequentl
an readin of ethnographies.
of textua production
obscures as much as it reveals. Bu it isworth taking seriousl
i t i s s o e th i
cation ofte
temptation to translat th tw
th
es
e s o t a ve ,
i t i nv o
smacks of mystification. Nevertheless on should resistthe al meaningful experience into interpretation
If
ar reciprocally related, they ar no identical. It make sens to
hold them apart, if only becaus appeal to experience ofte
ac asvali
dation for ethnographi authority Th most seriou argument fo th role of experience in th historical an cultural sciences is'containe th influentia
view of Dilthe
from th shee fact of coexistenc rl precisel
i nt e s ub j c ti v
in th genera notion of Verstehen.
(1914) understandin ou
in
shared world; bu this experiential
fo
what is missin or problemati
hr ug ou
th
e s a rc h) , w ha t i s g oi n
broadest sense. Dilthey' established, building up
"commo
In
others arises initiall
b je ct iv e f or m
kn wl
ge
is
fo an ethnographer entering an o n i s l a g u g e l ea rn i
sphere must be establishe
shared experiential worl
al "facts," "texts," "events, an thei interpretation
in th an
re
in relation to whic will be constructed.
6. Th concep is sometime to readil associated with intuitio or empa thy, .~ut as descripti~ of ethnographic knowledg Verstehen properly involves Critique of empathetic experience Th exac meanin of th term isa matter of debate amon Dilthe scholars (MakreeI1975 6-7)
HN GR
DISCOURSES
36
is
r oc es s o f l iv i
ay
b j c ti v
ne
a y i nt o a n l i
i n n at u e ,
i lt he y c al l
p er m
understandin
u t i t q ui c l y b e o m
e nt l
ix
intens
to compar
th
understandin a di n
personal participation,
verse.
ll wi
b ui l i n
t ab l
ca return Th exegesis of thes fixe
t e t s. " B u t hi s o r o f
D il t e y of
to
hi
c cu r
an active at-homenes
in
common uni-
x pe ri en ce " c a o rl d d r w i
readin it ou
s ee n
th
o n i nt ui ti v
st le
an guesswork. This activity make us of clues,
traces gestures an
37
HO
Melanesian language hi "method" cannot be seen as rationalizatio f o s ho rt -t er m t hn o r a h y I n e al it y o nt ac t w it h a no th e i s o t c co m l i h e
t h o ug h
n al y i s
R at h r , w e a p r e e n
im in
is
form provides th
knowledge. Thus experience
of cultural form to th
a ni ng fu l
is l-
on wh
fo
o r e xe g s i c an n
t h o gr a h i
om
of feeling, perception
ni rs
d ep e d e
x pr es si o s ,
conten of al systematic historical-cultura theorist
e xp re ss i
HI
scraps of sens prio to th developmen
of stable
form of hi being. This latter iswhat escape us if we approach ou fellow creature usin only th categories of ou intellect" (p 2) A no th e ta in x p r i c e e ri ou sl y a s s ou rc e o f t hn o graphi
knowledg
i nt o t h
is provided by Carl
pl
r a i ti o
hunters' interpretation ic io
th
f oc u
Ginzburg's investigations (1980)
o f i v n at i
Hi
s ea rc h
n ge s f r
a rl y
of animal tracks to Mesopotamian form of pre-
ci he in
ym to
e ta il s i n e te ct i
in
ip
fo ge ie
an Proust Thes styles of nonecstati
to
c ra ti c
i ci ne , t o h e
r eu d S he rl oc k H ol m s ,
divination apprehen
specific cir-
interpretations. Such piecemea form of experience ma be classified as
cumstantia relation of meanin an ar base on guesses,on th read in of apparently disparat clue an "chance" occurrences. Ginzburg
a b u t s uc h s t l e
p r p os e
e vo ca ti o
co pr he si e st he ti c
Fi st
ll it iscle
th
s wf t
th
o wi n sh
i m i ng e o n i n i vi d l s extraordinar
also obviously, t o c o p le t
d el in e t i
th se
Kroe-
L.
gr
semblanc
th
c ut u it
as
to life Obviously,
gift
this capacity
high orde of intuitiveness, in th sens of th abilit p ic tu r
e r d at a c a b e w it h of
whol
nl
si
fr
cl
s, fo cl es isal th
o nt h t o e ar n
an ua
culture, beside specializing on chil
s om e
n d e nt e behavior
tu reviewer i en c
i ff e e n
wh
unreservedly admire
s tr ok e
or
t h d e i ct i
la io
is
th p.
o vi d
sureness of insigh an
effi
8)
L ee n a r
Person an Myth in th Melanesian Worl (1937) ti c ry pt i od x p s it io n e q i r ts
i n Do Kamo
book that in it some a de r j us t h e s o
a es th et i g es ta l i s e rc e t i a t w hi c b ot h e e h ar d e x celled Leenhardt' endorsemen of this approach is significan since, iv
h i e xt re m l y l o
fi ld
x pe ri en c
nd
o fo u
ul iv ti
od
c on j c tu r
h o g h u n e co gn iz ed , ho
im
no le
r ta nc e f o t h
e"
i sc ip li n d ,
c ul t a l s ci e c es . I t
rather meager stoc of resource fo understandin
on feel one' wa
n on be
rigorously
into an unfamiliar ethnographic situation.
Precisel becaus it ishar to pi down "experience" ha served as e ff ec ti v e ll in g ence
g u r an te e
et
o g a p i c a ut ho ri t
it people
concreteness of perception knowledg
c o r se ,
f l i r f o " hi s o r " he r
of th fiel
a mi l a rl y
signifies "m
rt
a n e xp e i e t i
or intersubjective.
knowledg
Th
Guinea") Th
an ethnographer's real bu ineffabl
eo le Itis
" wo rl d, " w he n c on c i v dialogical
It also suggestsa cumulative
("he te years' experience of Ne
senses work together to authoriz ee
re is
ig it i n t h t er m x pe ri en c e vo ke s a rt i i pa to r es sensitiv contac with th worl to be understood rappor with
deepenin
ee
au ic
is
adde to
c om p c t
representation of
bu strong sensationalism underlie
co vi ci
th inward
o ut st an di n
r in ci pa l c ur re nt s o f
an an
by
in
sharpness. Th result is
vividnes
of intellectualized
th
e th n g ra p y . A n
o vi d
in
s s s se s t
a p e rc ei vi n
pen-pictures of astonishin quit
el te
d e i s c on ve ni en tl y
ber' 1931 review of Mead's f a u lt ie s
as he
t i g , h ow ev e
ethnographer accumulate
(the possessivefor
s e i n a nt h o p l o i c
t ha t t h
r e t i n , i s s u j e t iv e personal
my people ha unti recently ir le
bu th
r as e
e ff ec t
experience").
It is understandable t ho ri t - u e xa mi n
give
thei vagueness, that experiential criteria of e li ef s
th
t ho d
a rt i i p
b se rv a
DISCOURSES
38
criticis
by hermeneuticall
en
in th
i al e t i
sophisticate
of
xp ri
anthropologists. Th
ce an
i nt er p e ta ti o
HN GR
second
as ec iv
claims fo experiential authority. Interpretive anthropology demystifie much of what ha previously passed unexamined in th construction of
hi
i sc o r se "
hi io
h e p r s en c o f h e s p a ki n om ic ti a r n tr i s i
(pronounce
in lo ki
Ricoeur'
1) "Textualization" c on st it ut io n
oa
se sepo
at ul ur
a s a n a ss e
la
number of stimulatin
theory to anthropologica
(1973: chap.
is understood asa prerequisite to interpretation
o f D il th ey '
fi ed
x p e ss i n s. " I t i s t h
s ub j c t Di co rs
h e i m e di at e s it u r ke d b y r o o u
is
indicators-this,
signal th presen instance of discours
beyond it Discours
does no transcen
that
rather than
th specific occasion
dialogically
Ricoeu argues that discours
cannot be inter-
o f t ex t
an subtle discussion fieldwor
B e v en i t e' s
re te
classi accoun ha been provided by Paul Ricoeur, in de xt e a i n f u A ct i o ns i r e a s a e xt "
(1971). Clifford Geertz in ha adapte
in
j e t s a r i nv en te d a n
D i c o r se , i n E mi l
and you, an by deicti
or implied)
communicat
meaningful. W h i s i n o lv e be interpreted? hi ss he
o f h e r e t iv e ( a
" cu l u ra l
t ex t
discussio
somethin
v i i bi li t w hi c
e co m
(1971 :217-230),
classi
u te s
i n e as i
isthe inter-
second ke step in Ricoeur' analysis is hi accoun of th proces by
now, an soon-that
p ro c s s
39
of cultures.
ethnographic narratives, types, observations and descriptions. It contribti
HO IT
claims to represen discrete meaningful worlds Ethnograph pretatio
n d e la bo r t i s ee , f o e xa m l e G e r t 1973, Sullivan 1979; Winner 1976; Sperber 1981). Inter-
i nc re as i a t e nt i 1976; Rabino an
HI
th
o ce s t hr o g h
presence of th discoursin subject. Fo discours to become text it must become "autonomous, in Ricoeur' terms, separate from specific ut teranc an authoria intention. Interpretation is no interlocution. no depend on bein Th relevanc
in th presence of of this distinctio
It does
speaker.
fo ethnograph
is perhap to ob
vious. Th ethnographer always ultimately departs, taking away text fo come to be marked asa corpus rate ou from an immediat
potentiall
meaningful ensemble sepa
discursive or performative situation. In th
l e r el at i
r oc es s i n e xa m l e
to
c on te xt ; a n w e a r
ch
ha co nt
sa ha
t hn o r a h i
c e t ai n i ns ti t t i
when Geertz's famous cockfigh significan
a mi li a w i o r s eg m
stripped of immediat
contex
r es ul t
t hi s
e sc ri p i o
Fo
th field, actual compositio
more or less
th hi
thos "texts take away we ca includ
patterned, simplified
in orde to be interprete in late reconstruction an portrayal) Th text unlike discourse, ca travel If much ethnographic writin isproduce in
moment of textualization this meaningful corpus assume st
late interpretation (and amon memories-event
b e a vi o i s t yp -
(1973: chap. 15) becomes an intensel
locu of Balinese culture. Fields of synecdoche
ar create
of an ethnograph
isdon elsewhere. Data
constitute
in discursive
dialogical conditions ar appropriated only in
textualize
forms. Research events an encounters become fiel
notes.
Experiences become narratives, meaningful occurrences or examples i s t r n sl a i o
h e r es e r c
separate from it discursive occasion
x pe ri en c
in
t ex t
or us
of production ha importan con-
sequence fo ethnographic authority. Th data thus reformulated need Ricoeu does no actually privileg cifi
sort of analogie
that constitute functionalis
tions. He merely posits wo ld it
necessar relation betwee
an ot be ap re en ed a rt s
part-whole relation an th spe-
n d h e a rt s
or realis representa text an "world."
i r t ly ; i t i s a lw ay s i n e r e d
s t b e o nc e t ua l
a n p er c p t
he ll
u n e rs to o x pl a t i
th om s c i pt i
ic ti u st o
p e i fi c n ee d
e rs o s . A n as in
form that includes th messag "s an so said this."
textualize
ritual
specific actors Instea
of an englobin
si
ut
of th flux of experience Thus textualization generate sens throug circular movement that isolates an then contextualizes
l on g i nf o a nt '
fact or even
context,
thes
text become evidence
"cultural" reality. Moreover asspecifi
severe from thei productions, t o c co u
or th wo ld
co te
generalize wi hi
author an actors ar
"author" must be invented
w hi c
t h t ex t
re fi ti
a ll y
40
DISCOURSES
r el oc a e d
hi
g en er al iz e
a u h o g oe s u nd e
r ie t
of
a me s
HN
he
thes an simila phrase appear in ethnographies. "The Balinese func tion as author of Geertz's textualize cockfight. Th ethnographer thus enjoys
specia relationship with
cultural
origin or "absolut subject" (Michel-Jone 1978:14). compar th ethnographer with th literary interprete (and this compar i so n i s i nc re as in gl y c o ditional critic wh
o np la ce }- b
or
s pe ci fi ca l
seesthe task at hand aslocatin
Trobrianders or th
it
h ou gh ,
no ic ro
interlocutor crucia
w ha t h a d ro pp e
ou
meaningful
s ig h T h r es ea rc h p ro ce s i s
i t g en er a e s a n f ro m h e i c i v
is filtered out. Bu informants-along
intermediaries
typicall
o rl d h e
with fiel
re
excluded from authoritativ
ethnogra
exis approved topoi
ra
n cr ea si ng l
f a l ia r w i
t h s ep ar a
f ie ld wo r
a cc ou n ( a
subgenre that stil tend to be classified assubjective, "soft, or unscientific)
bu even within
classi
ethnographies,
more-or-less stereotypi
"fable of rapport" narrat th attainment of full participant-observer staus
h es e f ab le s
c al ly .
he
ay be ol
n or ma ll y ck
o rt r
cu
e la b r at el y o r i n p as si n he
t h o gr ap he r' s e ar l rt
Bildungsgeschichte of th
s t t e o f i n o ce nc e o r c on fu si o
n ai ve l
f ro m h e
a l n es e
o r i ro n
i gn or an ce ,
ethnograph
c on fu se d " no n e rs on " s ta t s , i s t ra ns co
Th anecdote establishe
analyses as an omnipresent,
knowledgeabl
"reads
presumptio
exeget
This interprete situates th ritual spor asa text in brilliantl
d is -
an earl
ce plicity (1973:412-417).
sthes
a r r ep la ce d b y a du lt , c on fi d n t
abused knowledge. We ma cite agai Geertz's cockfight, wher a li en a i o
he
a ke s
of participan observation-is
er
s e o f a n e s a b i sh e
co en io
made awar
of th fact that an essentia part of th cockfight' 's ki
par-
o r s ta g n g construc
(1973:452).
an
Interpretive anthropology l oo se l
an
by viewin
cultures as assemblage of texts,
s o e ti me s c o t ra di ct or al l
u ni te d
nd
h ig hl ig h i n
he
inventiv poesis at work in al collective representations, ha contribute s ig ni fi ca n l y t o h e d e a mi l a ri za ti o o f e t n og ra ph i a u h or it y it mainstream realis strands, however, it does no escape th genera stricture of thos critic of "colonial" representation who, sinc 1950, have i sc ou rs e
w i h ou t
i qu es , b y w a r ec i r oc a coun
h a p or tr a
l ac in g t h i r o w J ac qu e
qu li
(Leiri
r ea li t
h e c ul tu ra l r ea l t i i n j eo pa rd y I n
aq et Taal sa
o f e th n g ra ph i
an
i n e rp re ta ti o
of
th
p eo pl e
c he l L ei r s ' e ar l c ri an
th rs
he un
h a b ee n c al le d t o a c
1950; Maquet 1964; Asad 1973). Henceforth neithe
th
experience no th interpretive activity of th scientific researcher ca be
search process. We ar
quasi-invisibility
a di gm at ic .
r ej ec te d
notes-ar
phies. Th dialogical situationa aspect of ethnographic interpretation te b e b an is he d r o h e f i a l r ep re se n a ti v e xt . o t e n i re l b an ished, of course ther
41
th unruly meanings
Balinese aswhole subjects source of
he ex
into hi rapport-th
IT
he tr
intention, th ethnographer transforms th research situation' ambiguities an diversitie of meanin into an integrated portrait It is important, s e a ra t
P HI C
of con-
spokesman.
contextual worl
an
it cultural meanings Geertz's abrupt disappearanc
considered innocent
It become
necessar to conceive of ethnograph
no asthe experience an interpretation of i ty , b u r a h e a s c on st r c ti v e go ti a i o
circumscribe "other i nv ol vi n a t l ea s t w
real an
usuall more conscious, politicall significan subjects Paradigm of ex perience an interpretation ar yielding to discursive paradigm of dialogu an polyphony. Th remainin thes emergent mode of authority.
sections of this chapte will survey
discursive mode of ethnographic practice brings into prominence th intersubjectivit of al speech alon with it immediat performative context. Benveniste's work on th constitutive role of personal pronouns an deixis highlights just thes dimensions Ever us of presupposes you, an ever instance of discours is immediatel linked to specific shared situation: no discursive meaning, then withou interlocutio an context. Th relevanc of this emphasis fo ethnograph isevident FieldB ak ht in '
w or ds , " Ii e o n t h
h e w or d i n l an gu a
b or de rl in e b et w e n o ne se l a n
i s h a l s o e on e e ls e' s
h e o th er .
T h R us si a c r t i
rethinking of language in term of specific discursive situations
u rg e "There
HI
DISCOURSES
42
ca
el
throug
to 'n
ne
l an g
ge ha
ee co
l et el y t ak e
e r s ho t
with intentions an accents. Th word of ethnographic writing,
then cannot be construe
asmonological
asth authoritativ
statemen
b o t , o r i nt er p e ta ti o f, b st ra ct e t e t ua l z e a li ty . l an guag of ethnograph is shot throug with othe subjectivities an specifi
contextual overtones, fo al language in Bakhtin' view is "a con-
cret heteroglot conception of th world" (1953:293) Form of ethnographic writin that presen themselves in
"discur-
contexts an situations of interlocution. Thus book like Paui Rabinow' Reflections on Fieldwor in o r c c 97 isco ce ne it th re resentatio of specific research situatio (a series of constraining time an places an (i so ewha fictionalize form sequence of individua interlocutors. Indeed an entire ne (o whic th
Rabinow'
subgenre of "fieldwork accounts
isone of th most trenchant)
ay be situated within
discursive paradigm of ethnographic writing. Jeanne Favret-Saada's
Le ts la t , l e s o t s (1977) is an insistent, self-conscious experi ment with ethnograph in discursive rnode. Sh argues that th even of interlocutio we
always assign to th ethnographer
i nt e s u j e t i
power-lade
fiel
r el at i
s.
re is
of discursive positionings
specific position in
u tr a s t in
dp in in th
shifting matrix of rela
43
HO
that reject an shar separation of an interpreting self from textualize othe (1980; se also 1977). Both Dwye an Crapanzano locate ethnog ap in oc ss i al og u w h r e i n e rl oc ut o c ti v l y go ia shared vision of reality. Crapanzano argues that this mutual construction must be atwor in an ethnographic encounter, bu that participants tend t o a ss u th he ha im ly q ui es ce d t o h e r e l it y h ei r c o n terpart. Thus fo example, th ethnographer of th Trobrian Islander informants bu rather interprets th
"Trobriand poin of view." Crapan
zano an Dwye offe sophisticate attempts to brea with this literary hermeneutica convention In th proces th ethnographer's authorit as n a r at o a n
i n e r r et e
i s l te r d .
w ye r
op se
r me n u ti c
"vulnerability," stressin th ruptures of fieldwork, th divide position an imperfec contro of th ethnographer Both Crapanzano an Dwye seekto represen th research experience in ways that tear open th texu al i e d b ri c o f t h th r, an th l s o f t h i n e r r e i n s el f H e etymologie ar evocative: th word text i s l a d , i s w el l k n w n t o weaving, vulnerability to rendin in up of closed authority.
or wounding
in this instance th open
Th mode of dialogue brings to prominence precisel s i e -c ir cu m t a t i
an
i nt er su bj ec ti v e le m
ts
th
thos discur Ri oe
if interpretive authorit
to is base
tionships, of I's and you's.
on th exclusio of dialogue th revers isals true purely dialogical authorit woul repres th inescapabl fact of textualization Whil eth-
processe of ethnograph in th form of dialogue betwee tw individuals. Camill Lacoste-Dujardin's Dialogue de femmes en ethnologie
dramatiz
(1977) Jean-Paul Dumont's Shostak's
is
if
(1978) an W o d s of
!Kung Woma
Marjorie
(1981) ar note
worthy examples Th dialogical mode is advocate with considerable sophistication in tw othe texts. Th first, Kevi Dwyer' theoretica re flection
on th "dialogi
of ethnology" spring from
seriesof interviews
wi k e i nf o a n n d j u t if ie s y er ' ci io tr ct is th nography ii th form of rather litera record of thes exchange (1977, 1979 1982). Th second work is Vincen Crapanzano's more comple Tuhami: Portrait of
2.
Moroccan, anothe accoun of
seriesof interviews
7. Favret-Saaaa' book is translated as D ea dl y W o rd s (1981); se esp. chap. e r e xp er ie nc e h a b ee n r e r it te n a t a no th e f ic to na l e ve l i n F av re t- Sa ad a
an Contrera
1981.
nographies cast asencounter th intersubjectiv
betwee
tw
give-and-tak
individual of fieldwor
ma successfully an introduc
u nt e o i th ri oi s, he e m i n representations logue. As text they ma no bedialogica in structure, fo asStevenTyler (1981) points out, although Socrates appear asa decentered participan in hi encounters Plat retain full contro of th dialogue This displace ment bu no eliminatio
of
onological authorit
ischaracteristic of an
ul on g lo s he dife en et en r' nd Crapanzano's theoretica positions. Dwyer, followin Geor Lukacs translates gi nt r xa n el us ho ng r es to ra ti o o f t h h um a s ub je ct , k in d o f o mp le ti o i n a n t hr ou g t h o th er . C ra pa nz an o r ef us e a n a nc ho r i n a n e ng lo bi n t he or y h i o n a ut ho ri t b e n g t ha t o f t h d ia lo gu e' s r it er , a n a ut ho ri t u nd er mi ne d b y a n n co nc lu si v n ar ra tive of encounter, rupture, an confusion. (I iswort noting that dialogic asuse Ba ot re rl ad gi anthropology se also Tedloc 1979.
DISCOURSES
44
approach that portrays th
ethnographer as
discrete cha~act.er in th
HN GR
HI
45
HO
fieldwor narrative. Moreover ther is frequent tendency 10 fictions of dialogue fo th ethnographer's counterpar to appear a~~ represe~tative
"plagiarism."
throug
interpreted other realit and the research proces itself Renat Rosaldo's Jlongot Headhunting. Rosald arrive in th Philippine highland intent
whic
genera social processe ar rsvealed.? Such
reinstates th synecdochi
interpretive authorit
by whic
portraya
th ethnogra
pher read text in relation to context, thereb constituting mean~n~ful "other world. If it isdifficult fo dialogical portrayals to escapetypifving
ri in s y c h o ni c s t d y o ci a t r c t ai an g ai n over hi objections he is forced to listen to endles Iiongo narratives of
procedures they can, to significan degree resist th pull to~a.r thoritativ representation of th other. This depend on thei abilit
thes stories, fillin
tionally to
aintai
th strangenes of th othe voic
th specific contingencie
~u fie-
an to hold in view
of th exchange
oc
i st o y . D u i f l l
ly in
is composed of discourses an that it differ
en components ar dialogically relate is no to sa that it textu~ for~ should be that of litera dialogue Indeed asCrapanzano recogntzes 10
or
r a c e h e r a s cr ib e
reinterpretation (a proces made manifest in th ethnography) l iz e h a t h s e sc re al ve fa o vi de d h i it topic, th culturally distinctiv
Tosaytha an ethnograph
in
notebook afte notebook with what he consider dis-
ld pose
Iiongo sens of narrativ
x p i en c o f h a i gh t fundamenta question Wh he issu is
does he hi fi
an history. Ro
c al l " di r c t i ti n isactuall th author of fiel
ha ly notes?
subtle on an deserves systematic study. Bu enough
Tuhami,
thir participant, real or imagined us function asm.ed.iato in an encounte betwee tw individual (1980: 147-151) Th fictiona
dialogue is in fact
condensation
simplified representation of comple
multivocal processes. An alternativ
wa
of representing this discursive
complexity is to understand th overal course of th research as~n on no
a rt ic ul ar l
in Dogo ci in l oc ut o
cosmological wisdom i al og i cc si
te es ar h, sp ca tl ha te
).
l ea r c ut .
is is
th og ap ic w ev e ni go
i au le '
Dieu d'ea
(1948a), wa an earl exer
n a a ti on . B ey o hi p le x p r c e
ec de c l s el y ri t h r it i (s
lo ge ne s.
IS ~ell i s i n t ru ct i
c co u
an
th
gr ph
p e i fi c i nt e wo k,
n it or e i s u ss i ve co
i g i fi in Ch e nt e
knowledg
gained in th fiel
it is
rt
ow ki closel
e c n si d r i en
by thei informants In hi provocativ
r dt ,
nd
identified with
h e o ld e t e t ua l c o th rs
th se
personal fieldwor
an even determin
ne ways to represen adeew el l oo k t o b u il ti
o rk s t h
Bo s, et no ra
ic
al en
experience We ca contem
informants th
On thinks of th role of George Hunt in Boas ethnography, if ee
" tr a s c i p u rs "
li te
in
ee
ar t'
Documents neo-
caledoniens (1932).10 is
comple
transitional case Hi ethnographie
reflec
discus
9. r ea ls t " t p es " s e L uk ac s 1 96 4 p as si m h e t e~ de nc y t o t ra ~ f or ~ nd al nt tu al en be observed In M ar ce l G na ul ~ Dieu d'eau (1948a). It occurs ambivalently in Shostak's.Nisa. (1981) For. discussio of this ambivalenc an of th book's resultin discursive complexity se Clifford 1986b:103-109.
be considerable
plat an ethnographic mode that is no ye authoritativ in thos specific wa ha o w p ol i i c l l nd pi te lo ic ll in e st i se
Malinowski directed or circumscribe
ca
ing. Curren ethnographic writin is seekin q u t el y h e t ho ri t i nf o ts he
0. dy de exua od a ls o i n t hi s c on te x F on ta n 1 97 5 t h i nt ro du ct io n t o Indians, oo dd ho th go
r an k d ia n
or 80 ee u ss el l Th Pima
forward-lookin defens of Boas emphasis on vernacular text an r at io n w it h H un t s e o ld ma n 1 98 0
hi collabo-
h e i nc o p l t e c oa l s ce nc e tr ll
he
de
s po ns i l e f o t h w el di n
no ra h. If
h eo r
a s c en -
n d e sc ri p i o
i nt o t h a u
thorit of th professional fieldworker, Malinowski nonetheles included a te ri a t ha t i d o t i re ct l s u p o h i w n l l t o c l i nt e r et i s la nt .
th
li he
uc
an
i ct a e d
d at a t h
y th s
sp ll th
h e d mi tt ed l
id
f il l h i
o ks , h e p u
o t n d r st an d
s ul t w a
an open text subjec to multiple reinterpretations. It is wort uc
ol
co pe di
c ep t t h
th
c en t
comparin
t h o g a ph y hi cite evidence to suppor focuse interpretation bu little else." In th odern, authoritativ monograp ther are, in effect no strong voices r es e
w it h t h
od
i n A r g o n a u t s (1922 and C o r a l Gar-
r it er ;
sentia sens in th ethnographer's words. Thes dictated text in al bu thei physical inscriptio
ar writte
by specific unname
Indeed an continuous ethnographic exposition routinel
Trobrianders fold
47
HN
DISCOURSES
46
into itself
diversit of descriptions transcriptions an interpretation by variet of indigenous "authors." Ho should thes authoria presence be made manifest?
voices ca be accommodated al
pr ci el
t he i
v en tr il o u is t i n th
In th novels of Dostoyevsk
e si s a nc e t o t ot a i ty , a n
i n t e n th -c e t ur y
l ic e i n i f e r n t v oi ce s, "
lo
y,
h o e ad s u bl ic l
l is te n
fr
th
"polyphonic"
novel.
i s p ro vi d
fundamenta conditio
that it represents speaking subjects in
fiel
by
a kh ti n
n al y i s
th
of th genre, he argues is of multiple discourses Th
nove grapples with an enacts heteroglossia. Fo Bakhtin, preoccupie with th a te d
representation of nonhomogeneous wholes ther lt ra
o rl d
la
u ag e
A l a tt e p t t o
ar no inte
o si t s u
b st ra c
unitie ar constructs of monologica power. "culture is concretely an open-ended creative dialogue of subcultures, of insiders an outsid s , o f i v s e f ac ti o s . l a u a e " i s t h i nt e p l a n s t g gl e egional dialects professional jargons, generi commonplaces th speech d i f er en t a g
o u s , i nd i i du al s
o ni c n o e l i s n o realis critic rather
ou
s o o rt h
o r B ak ht i
f or c o f c ul t r a o r h i t or i
th
ly
t ot al i a t o n ( a
such asGeor Lukacs an Eric Auerbach have argued bu
carnivalesqu
aren of diversity. Bakhti discover
utopia
tex-
11. James Fernandez elaborate Bwiti (1985) is self-conscious transgression of th tight, monographi form returnin to Malinowskian scal an reviving ethnography's "archival
functions
e xc l i m
v el is t i s
o ni s . "
He
i r n gl y o f t h
e ws p p e i n O u
Mu ua
F r e nd .
agains Flaubert th master of authoria control, moving godlik
wh
t iv e t hi n
ea
l au b r ti a
that suppressesdirec quotatio P ri tc h r d indeed th
i s e xa m l e preferre
"f
in favo of
amon
i nd ir ec t
controllin
a s c on vi n i ng l
s ho w
tye,
discours
th
s ty l
t yl e always
i n di re c t is
mode of ethnographic interpretation.) Or does th
portraya of othe subjectivities requir versio that is stylisticall homogeneous, filled with Dickens' "different voices"? Some us of indirect styl
is inevitable
is composed entirely of quotations
possible bu seldom attempted." x tr e e -s ta n p oi n
p ol y
th thoughts an feelings of hi characters Ethnography, like th novel, wrestles with thes alternatives Does th ethnographic writer portra
raph
u se fu l i f
pa la ce
or Dicken
is id
less
unless th nove or ethnog
somethin
In practice
that is theoreticall
however, th ethnograph
an th nove have recourse to indirect styl at differen levels of abstracio
ee
ot sk
la
always in doubt. Indeed this is in
e li e s , e el i g s a n
ever hesitate
enou
o w w ha t E m
i n i vi d
e r' s
f fi r
Ethnographie
it
ey
of eth-
v e n ot , h ow -
differen from quotations or translations of indig-
u i o ca l
ti ns
ls
i s t hi n
subjective statesto cultures Sperber' analysis eof
discourse. Such statements ar re li er ll
B ov a
permanent, unresolved proble
t h u gh t
to ascrib
time ar fundamentall
er
ha
o m i ni n
"without in
i nf or m
an specifie
s ea ml es s a y t h o r i nf or m n t
speaker" t hn o r a 98
abound in unattributed sentence such as "The spirit
7 8) . re
2. uc r oj ec t n n u nc e v an s r it c r d h i i nt r d uc ti o to Ma .and W~ma amon the Azande re~ctlon agains th c1~se~ a~alyti~al nat~re of hi ow earlie ethnographies. HI acknowled~ed I~splratlo Is.Mallnowskl. (The notion of book entirely compose of quotations ISa modernis drea associated with Walter Benjamin.)
DISCOURSES
48
ur
ni
es ri on
of
n ea t
that move freely throughout th
s ur fa ce , t ho ug h
h ei r e xt s a r
V ic to r T ur ne r' s w or k p ro vi de s re
os
ra al
t el li n
p la y ol
ex ci
says collecte
er
re dr wn
nd oo
be
nt
s io na t
ei
as ro
sh ed
e mb u
sy
s,
esoteric meanings They ar both "intellectuals,"
pas-
i nt er pr et er s o f h e n ua nc e
an
on
d ep th s o f c us to m b ot h a r u p
rooted scholars sharin "the quenchless thirst fo objectiv knowledge. T ur ne r c om pa re s M uc ho n t o u ni ve rs i d on ; h i a cc ou n o f h ei r c ol l ab or at io n
n cl ud e i s h ow e e r
p as s n g h in t
of
p re ta ti on ; e ls ew he r
t hi r
Overall,
nf rm
gu ss
K as h
fiel
an
ng
ot
hi biblical educatio
qu st ns
missionary privileges
Ne
he is lookin
ke
h e i n e rp re he "acquire of Ch st
sympatheticall
nd sa
go
i n e ll ec tu al s s oo n " se t l e
nt
os
d ow n i nt o
ul s or t o f d ai l
changeable "informants. raphy, th
of
They reveal an extraordinar T ur ne r d oe s n o
ak
nl
at paga
sp
hr
s e i na r o n r el ig io n. " ou
ethnographic "colloquy"
h i t hr ee -w a
c o l ab or at io n
e mb u
h e c ru x o f h i e ss ay . into dialogue
c o p le x p ro du ct iv e r el at io n n t t h " po rt ra it " o f a n " in -
( Th i r ed uc ti o
book in whic
th
wa in so
polyphonic
p li ca te d
p ra ct ic a
giving visibl cretel
plac
an
familiarizatio
o ic e o f h e
er
to indigenous interpretation
i nc lu si o
necessary, ar
r he to ri ca l problems."
an
thes issuesof textua dialogis
Th whic
Nd
i ll ag e a rg ot . A l t h
an
of custom expose con-
polyphony.
o f T ur ne r' s p or tr ai t o f M uc ho n s ig n
com-
r ks ,
s.
Th Forest of Sym-
C as a a n
cton
it originally appeared ha th effect of segregatin th crucia issu an
p hi es , b u C as ag ra nd e' s c ol le ct io n sional tabo R ob er t L ow i ha
on "privilege on Ji
i nd iv id ua l
th
p os t- Ma li no ws k
et no ap
d is ta nc ed , a na ly ti c b ec am e
a lu e
p ro fe s
Firt on PaFenuatara,
l on g l is t o f d is ti ng ui sh e
en
s ha re d t o s om e d eg re e t om . T he s
s ho o
indigenous collaborators. w it hi n s c e n i fi c e th no gr a
informants." Raymon
C ar pe nt er -
e sc r
thei
n o p la c
rs
a nt hr op ol o wh
e ve n i ro ni c
i nf or ma nt s b ec au s
ey
ie
o f c us -
he
u nd er -
s to od , o f e n w it h r ea l s ub tl et y w ha t a n ethnographic attitude toward cul's " ph il ol og is t" )
Ji
uoat
C ar pe n e r o n
hi
rp
s en se s a s ha re d o ut lo ok :
(a " Wh e
yo
bu significantl
Rather he focuse on Muchona, thus transforming trialogu l a t en in g
unusuall
Th stagin of indigenous speech in an ethnog
degree of translatio
Turner's accounts of this semina ar stylized "eight months of exhilaratck
a s " a m al e
have been smoothed into th expository pros of more-or-Iess inter-
an
s ha re s h ei r p as si o t o
ar
we er " sa l
ethnographer
religion Kashinakaji, Turner tell us "spanned th cultural distance be twee Muchon an myself transforming th little doctor's technica jar-
th
). He do
i ss ue s s ti l h a
ci
an
Turner's ethnographie
betwee
Throug
ne
o ve ra l i n e r
h e i s i n o ke d a no ny mo us ly , f o e xa mp l
D is cu ss io n o f t he s
religion
ea
s ou rc e o f t h
is identified asan assistan an translator rather than asa source of inter-
s tr on g p sy ch ol og ic a
p re se n i n t he i d ia lo gu e W in ds o
T ur ne r o ge th e a n
uoat ns
p ri nc ip a
(1975:40-42, 87, 154-156,244). Windson Kashinakaj
of relation
M uc ho n
f or ma nt .
di ct
Ndembu senior teache atthe loca missio school He brough
tation of customar dogm
ha
i s i de nt if ie d a s t h
bols
doubling. T he r inakaji,
or
e ss a M uc ho n
f er en t v oi ce s a n w e h ea r l i t l
or ra
se
he s-
ritual healer an Tur-
st
Informants,"
vary considerably in thei discursive struc-
co
pretations
ed
he
ch
p or -
work
ur
ritual specialist
po c om pl e ds
Forest of Symbols,
gehe
n ve s i ga ti n
es
terpreter of Religion" (1967:131-150). Muchona, etymologies, an
d is co rd an t
Portrait of Anthropologica
of Man.)13
Turner's publishe
o mn i
ph
sc
r tr a
an
o ff e s up er b
e l e fs ;
ps
in Th
ne of
m or e u nr u
T ur ne r' s e th no gr ap hi e
Nd ua
F la ub er ti a
of indigenous subjects Be
c as e i n p oi nt , w or t
xa
p ho ni c e xp os it io n an un
a sp ir e t o
worl
49
HO IT
tant 1960 collection of "Twent
ch
In th Compan
assume in effect th voic of culture. A t t hi s " cu l u ra l l e e l e th no gr ap he r scienc
IC
d eg re e r eq ui re d b y t h
o rm a o f
essa firs appeared Joseph Casagrande's impor-
13 Fo "group dynamics approach to ethnograph se Yannopoulo an Martin 1978 Fo an ethnograph explicitly base on native "seminars" seeJones an Konner 1976 m o rt , e s s or t 14 Favret-Saada's us of dialec an italic type in L es m o ts , (1 7) on am ro ha ha ng re up re alist novelists
HN GR
DISCOURSES
50
listen to th ol th
me tellin
(C sa ra de
frien
an
abou thei visions, you'v e just got to believ
60 42 ). An
he
is co si
a bl y
an
he or
informant:
a no th e o c a si o
ta
u rn e t o t h
e t s e f o s al m
re g ro wt h a n t en de d crow assemble
tr ut
ss r o e as il y
e nu a a r t h
traditiona knowledge.
(Casagrand
Th full methodological latent especially th ductio
of th nets He answered "No,
f or c
impact of Casagrande's collection remain
significance of it accounts fo th dialogical pro-
of ethnographic text an interpretations. This significance isob-
it activity is plural an beyond th contro of an individual
increasingly common wa to manifest th collaborativ
[1 79 ho ic
g r p hi c k n w le d un u t o ri t
as .)
is to ut uc
t at i
th
h a o f w ri te r
e se a c h i n r es t
As
or
o f u th o i t
reasons. First, th fe ea r e u ir e
an et no ra
ot
r e u la rl y
nd
t ac ti c
ly be in
l wa y
ta ed
production
l en gt h f r
in
br ak up th qu te
nd
th native an th ethnographer in differen voices"; bu this to woul only displace ethnographic authority, stil confirming th
fina virtuoso
l l t h d is co u s e i n h i he te t. narrowly identified with th novel, is
domesticated heteroglossia. Ethnographic discourses ar
plural authorship challenges o r e r i t t h i nt e t i st
wh
not, in an
a fi t
r ot e
e c n t r i i ci s asth ow t h g r p hi c r it i g .
er
it
st
recent experi i ns ti ga ti n
in th
s su me s
deep Wester identification of an text's i n l e u th o t hi s d e t i i c t io n w a l es s i s Moeurs de sauvages ameriquains, i t i nt o e st i n et h l es s t h
i t i s s ti l ig
p ot e
o n t ra in t ve in
this domain Anthropologist will increasingly have to shar thei texts, an sometime thei titl pages, with thos indigenous collaborator fo ho
th te Ralp
informants is no longer adequate if it ever was.
Bulmer an
is an importan contribution
to serv merely asexample or confir in testimonies. Lookin beyond t at i n e i gh t i m g in e r e a di c p ol yp h h a o ul d
r c e st r t i i ng l th this sens Bakhtin' polyphony, to
ci to
1960:17-18
ethnographic authority, however, thes revealin portrait spil into th u vr e th ir th s, lt in he wa th ca be ea t hn o a is pa wh a g e r ( 1 0 ) c al l t h i nv e t i c ul t , "
of th
en en
stil be considered utopia fo tw t s w it h l t p l u th o or
scured by tendency to castthe book asa universalizing humanist docu me n ve li " a h al l i r r s . . i n f ul l a ri et y t h n dl es s r ef l t e
On
th ir u to n
This possibilit suggestsan alternat textua strategy utopia of pluu th o s hi p t ha t a cc o to olab ra or r el y t h t at u in
ra
traditiona piec of knowledg that spirit
fo th deterioratio
e r t er mn e a cc o d e
l ex .
rapher Ethnography is invaded by heteroglossia.
st ry to th
inthe hous abou how, ou on th lake with hi nets
then ifthis wa
were responsibl
that ca be cited, in altere form
ta r e u ir es . I nf o a n s ' i nt e t i p ol i i c l l a p o ri c l l co
pe aske hi
speeches of invented characters Informants ar specific indi
with real proper names-name
mous textua space, transcribe at sufficient length indigenous statement make sens in term differen from thos of th arrangin ethnog
th rg
ol
event, th vidual
51
IT
Ia Majnep's Birds of My Kala
prototype. (Separat typeface distinguis of ethnographer an Ne
Countr
(1977)
th juxtaposed
Guinean, collaborator
fo more
than decade.) Even or significan isthe collectively produced 1974 study im S ha ma ni s St yi S ic k e s K a: ci m u mk i g ) noted, in alphabetical order) Donald M. Bahr anthropologist Juan Gregorio, shaman Davi I. Lopez, interpreter; an Albert Alvarez, editor signed "t transfer to shaman asmany aspossibl of th function normall associated with authorship Thes includ th selectio of an ex pository style, th duty to make interpretation i gh t t o j ud g w hi c th initiato
t hi n
r e i m o rt a
an
an explanations h ic h
re
t" p.
an organize of th project, opts to shar authorit
an th 7).
Bahr,
asmuch
aspossible Gregorio th shaman appear asth principa source of th "t eo
is as
th
i s r a s cr ib e
t r n sl at e
wo
pa te
DISCOURSES
52
levels by Lope an Alvarez. Gregorio's vernacular text in~lud pressed, ofte
gnomic explanations
whic
HN GR
com-
ar themselves I~terprete
an contextualized by Bahr's separate commentary Th book ISunusual in it textua enactmen of th interpretation of interpretations. In Piman Shamanis m th transition from individual enunciations to cultural generalization
is always visibl
in th separation of Gregorio's
B ah r v oi c s . h e th ri L o z , l es s v i i bl e i s k i t o h a Windso Kashinakaj in Turner's work Hi bilingua fluenc guides Bahr throug th subtleties of Gregorio's language thus permitting th shaman "t spea at length on theoretica topics." Neithe Lope no Alvare ap pear asa specific voic in th text an thei contribution to th ethnog raph remain largel invisibl
to al bu qualifie
Papagos,able to gaug
IC
c ti vi ty , i s g i v co re ce in pa ti la ct e a i ng . B u e r i s a l ways variet of possible readings (beyon merely individual appropriations) readings beyond th contro of an single authority. On ma ap proach classi ethnograph seekin simply to gras th meanings that th researcher derive from represente cultural facts. Or asI have suggested on ma also read agains th grai of th text's dominant voice, seekin ou othe half-hidde authorities, reinterpreting th descriptions t ex ts , q u s ti on in g literacy an
q u t at i
g a h e e d t og e h e
interpretations. Alvarez' authorit inhere in th fact that Piman Sham~nbook directed at separate audiences. Fo most reader focusing
ured in th frontispiece to Argonauts h e c o s tr u t i u lt ur a a bl e
in Pima will be of co re te he ra
it
it
in ethnographv!" of th iv
he re en
i t t h e x a ns io n possibilitie fo readin
(and thus fo writing) cultural descriptions ar emerging.' Th textua embodiment of authorit is recurrin proble te porary experiment
on th translations an explanations th text printe l it tl e i nt e s t l in g i s A lv ar e w ev e
th
c ol o i a t yl e p r s e t at i ethnographic consciousness, ne
th accuracy of th translated text an th vernacular nuance of Bahr's ism is
53
HO
fo con-
An older, realis mode-fig Wester
an base on to be se ro
Pacifi
e si gn e
scriptions an translations with an ey to thei us in language teaching
fied asonly on possible paradigm fo authority. Politica an epistemo logica assu ptions ar buil into this an othe styles assumption th
usin an orthograph he ha develope fo that purpose. Thus th book contribute to th Papagos' literary inventio of thei culture. This differ
ethnographic writer ca no longer afford to ignore Th mode of author it reviewed here-experiential, interpretive dialogical polyphonic
e a i ng ,
il in
cance. It is intrinsi
Piman Shamanism
to th breaku
of
is
or
th
l oc a
onological authorit
i g i fi -
that ethnogra
phie no longer addres single genera type of reader Th multiplica tion of possible readings reflects th fact that "ethnographic" consciousnessca no longer be seenas th monopoly of certai Wester cultures an social classes. Even in ethnographie lackin vernacular texts, indigenou reader will decode differentl
th textualize
interpretation
an
lore Polyphonic work ar particularly open to readings no specifically intended Trobrian reader ma find Malinowski's interpretation tire Ndembu will no glos asquickl
asEuropea reader over th differen
voices embedded in Turner's works. Recent literary theory suggeststha th abilit of text to make sens in coherent wa depend lesson th willed intentions of an originatin author than on th creative activity of
"a t i s u
o ta ti on s
lt re he "a te t' it (1977:146, 148) Th writin
ra
reader Toquot fr
Roland Barthes,
i n u me r
le ce te
li it ri in bu in it s ti n i o of ethnography, an unruly multisubjectiv
of
1 5 A n e xt re me l s ug ge st iv e m od e o f p o y ph on i e xp os it io n o ff er e b y p ro je ct e f ou r- vo lu m e di ti o o f t h e th no gr ap hi c t ex t r it te n p ro vo ke d ra ri ed et en 89 by am on he ou e se r hr pp re fa died by on D eM a l l a n E la in e J ah ne r L ak ot a B el ie f a n R it ua l (1982a), Lakota Societ (1982b), and Lakota Myt (1983) Thes engrossing volume in effect reopen th t ex tu a h om og en ei t o f W a e r' s c la ss i m on og ra p o f 1 91 7 , Th Su Dance, s um ma t o n o f t h i nd iv id ua l s ta te me nt s p ub li sh e h er e i n t ra n l at io n T he s statements by more than thirty name "authorities complement an transcen W al ke r' s s yn th es i o n s ec ti o o f Lakota Belief an Ritual ri en Thomas Tyon Walker's interpreter. Th collection's fourth volume will be transl at io n o f t h r it in g o f G eo rg e S wo rd , a n O ga l a rr io r a n j ud g e nc ou ra ge d by Walker to record an interpre th traditiona wa of life Th firs tw volume p re se n t h u np ub li sh e t ex t o f k no we dg ea b L ak ot a a n W a k er ' o w d e scriptions in identica formats. Ethnograph appear as proces of collective production It is essentia to note that th Colorado Historical Society' decision to publis thes text wa stimulated by increasing requests from th Oglala commu at pi a l r ' m a r ia l hi ry classes. (O Walker se also Clifford 1986a: 15-17. 16 Fo very useful an complete survey of recent experimental ethnogra p hi e s e M ar cu s a n u sh ma n 1 98 2 s e a ls o W eb st e 1 98 2 F ah i 1 98 2 a n Clifford an Marcus 1986 th
••
54
DISCOURSES
Western. None isobsolete, none pure ther e ac h p ar ad ig m discarde
W e h av e s ee n h o
ne
practices. Polyphonic authorit
t o c om pe nd iu m
o f e rn ac ul a
is room fo inventio
a pp ro ac he s t en d look with renewe
t ex ts -e xp os it or y
or
within
r ed is co ve r sympathy
d is ti nc t r o
he
rv claims to th
authorit
i c s us pi ci on , w e
of experience have been subjecte
a y a n i ci pa t
r en ew e
a tt en ti o
to hermeneu
t o t h s ub tl e i n e r
play of personal an disciplinary components in ethnographic research Experiential
interpretive
at work discordantly s up po se s
c on tr ol li n
od
co a t e r o f s tr at eg i authorit
dialogical o f a ut ho ri ty . ru
polyphonic processe ar
c ho ic e
ha
w ri t n g i s a l i e , a s b el ie v
h av e a rg ue d h a h i ce
t r e d t o d is ti ng ui s
asthey have become visibl
possib lities.
an
in an ethnography, bu coherent presentation prei mp o
sc i mp or ta n s ty le s o f
in recent decades. If ethnographic
i s i t i s s t ru gg li n
wi hi
a n a ga in s h es e
