Jallianwala Bagh
Location of Amritsar in India Location Amritsar, India Coordinates 31°37′14″N 74°52′49″E / 31.62053°N 74.88031°E / 31.62053; 74.88031Coordinates: 31°37′14″N 74°52′49″E / 31.62053°N 74.88031°E / 31.62053; 74.88031
Date 13 April 1919 5:30 pm (UTC+5:30) Target Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religious and political gathering Attack type massacre Weapon(s) Rifles Deaths 379-1500 Injured 1100-1500 Perpetrator(s) British Indian Army unit under the command of Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer Number of participant(s) 50
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre (Punjabi: , Hindi: , Urdu: Jallianwala Bāġa Hatyākāṇḍ), also known as the Amritsar massacre, took place in the Jallianwala Bagh public garden in the northern Indian city of Amritsar, and was ordered by Brigadier-General Reginald E.H. Dyer. On Sunday 13 April 1919, Dyer was convinced that a major insurrection was at hand. He banned all meetings, and hearing a meeting of 15,000 to 20,000 people had assembled he marched his fifty riflemen to a raised bank and ordered them to shoot at the crowd which included men, women, and children. Dyer kept the firing up for about ten minutes. Official Government of India sources estimated the fatalities at 379, with 1,100 wounded. The casualty number estimated by the Indian National Congress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 killed.[1]
Dyer was removed from duty and forced to retire, but he became a celebrated hero in Britain among people with connections to the British Raj.[2] The massacre caused a reevaluation in the Army's role in which the new policy became minimum force, and the Army was retrained and developed suitable
tactics such as crowd control.[3] Historians consider the episode was a decisive step towards the end of British rule in India.[4]
Contents [hide] 1 Background 1.1 India during World War I 1.2 After the war 2 Prelude to the massacre 3 The massacre 3.1 Tagore's response 3.2 British responses 4 Demonstration at Gujranwala 5 Monument and legacy 5.1 Formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee 5.2 Artistic portrayals 5.3 Regret 6 Assassination of Michael O'Dwyer 7 See also 8 References 9 Further reading 10 External links
[edit] Background[edit] India during World War IMain article: Ghadar Conspiracy World War I began with loyalty and goodwill towards the United Kingdom from mainstream politicians in India,[citation needed] contrary to initial British fears of a revolt while they were committed militarily to a European war. British India contributed massively to the British war effort by providing men and resources. About 1.25 million Indian soldiers and labourers served in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, while both the Indian administration and the princes sent large supplies of food, money, and ammunition. However, Bengal and Punjab remained sources of anticolonial
activities. Revolutionary attacks in Bengal, associated increasingly with disturbances in Punjab, were significant enough to nearly paralyse the regional administration.[5][6]
[edit] After the warIn the aftermath of World War I, high casualty rates, increasing inflation compounded by heavy taxation, a widespread influenza epidemic, and the disruption of trade during the war escalated human suffering in India. The costs of the protracted war in both money and manpower were great. In India, long the "jewel in the crown" of the British Empire, Indians were restless for independence. More than 43,000 Indian soldiers had died fighting for Britain.
Indian soldiers smuggled arms into India to fight British rule. The pre-war Indian nationalist sentiment revived as moderate and extremist groups of the Indian National Congress ended their differences in order to unify. In 1916, the Congress succeeded in establishing the Lucknow Pact, a temporary alliance with the All-India Muslim League.
[edit] Prelude to the massacreBritish officials in India, ever since the Rebellion of 1857, lived in fear of native conspiracies and revolts; they warned each other the natives were most suspicious when they seemed superficially innocent.[7] Investigators at the time and historians since have found no conspiratorial links whatever to the events in Amristsar, but the British fears animated their responses--General Dyer believed a violent thrashing would dampen conspiracies--and afterwards he was hailed in Britain for having preempted a terrorist attack. The events that ensued from the passage of the Rowlatt Act in 1919 were also influenced by activities associated with the Ghadar conspiracy. British Indian Army troops were returning from Europe and Mesopotamia to an economic depression in India.[8][9] The attempts at mutiny during 1915 and the Lahore conspiracy trials were still causing fear among the British. Rumours of young Mohajirs who fought on behalf of the Turkish Caliphate, and later, in the ranks of the Red Army during the Russian Civil War, were circulated in Army circles. The Russian Revolution had also begun to influence Indians.[10] Ominously for the British, in 1919, the third Anglo-Afghan war began and in India, Gandhi's call for protest against the Rowlatt act achieved an unprecedented response of furious unrest and protests. The situation especially in Punjab was deteriorating rapidly, with disruptions of rail, telegraph and communication systems.
Revolt was in the air, many Army officers believed, and they prepared for the worst. In Amritsar, more than 15,000 people gathered at Jallianwala Bagh. This situation deteriorated perceptibly during the next few days. Michael O'Dwyer is said to have believed that these were the early and illconcealed signs of a conspiracy for a coordinated revolt around May, at a time when British troops would have withdrawn to the hills for the summer. The Amritsar massacre, as well as responses preceding and succeeding it, contrary to being an isolated incident, was the end result of a concerted plan of response from the Punjab administration to suppress such a conspiracy.[11] James Houssemayne Du Boulay is said to have ascribed a direct relationship between the fear of a
Ghadarite uprising in the midst of an increasingly tense situation in Punjab, and the British response that ended in the massacre.[12]
On April 10, 1919, there was a protest at the residence of the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, a city in Punjab, a large province in the northwestern part of India. The demonstration was to demand the release of two popular leaders of the Indian Independence Movement, Satya Pal and Saifuddin Kitchlew, who had been earlier arrested by the government and removed to a secret location. Both were proponents of the Satyagraha movement led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. The crowd was shot at by a military picket, killing several protesters. The shooting set off a series of violent events. Later the same day, several banks and other government buildings, including the Town Hall and the railway station were attacked and set afire. The violence continued to escalate, culminating in the deaths of at least five Europeans, including government employees and civilians. There was retaliatory shooting at crowds from the military several times during the day, and between eight and twenty people were killed.
For the next two days, the city of Amritsar was quiet, but violence continued in other parts of the Punjab. Railway lines were cut, telegraph posts destroyed, and government buildings burnt. Three Europeans were murdered. By April 13, the British government had decided to put most of the Punjab under martial law. The legislation restricted a number of civil liberties, including freedom of assembly. Gatherings of more than four people were banned.[13]
[edit] The massacreOn April 13, the traditional festival of Baisakhi, thousands of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims gathered in the Jallianwala Bagh (garden) near the Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar. Most were unaware of the political meeting.
The Jallianwalla Bagh in 1919, months after the massacre. "The Martyrs' Well" at Jallianwala Bagh. An hour after the meeting began as scheduled at 4:30 pm, Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer marched a group of sixty-five Gurkha and twenty-five Baluchi soldiers into the Bagh, fifty of whom were armed with rifles. Dyer had also brought two armoured cars armed with machine guns, however the vehicles were left outside as they were unable to enter the Bagh through the narrow entrance. The Jallianwala Bagh was bounded on all sides by houses and buildings and had few narrow entrances, most of which were kept permanently locked. The main entrance was relatively wider, but was guarded by the troops backed by the armoured vehicles. General Dyer did not order the crowd to disperse; indeed he blocked the main exits. His goal, he explained later, was not to disperse the meeting but to punish the Indians for disobedience.[14] General Dyer ordered his troops to begin shooting towards the densest sections of the crowd, including the women and children. He
continued the shooting, approximately 1,650 rounds in all, until the ammunition supply was almost exhausted. The crowd made no effort to attack the soldiers in any way.[15]
A number of people died in stampedes at the narrow gates or by jumping into the solitary well on the compound to escape the shooting. A plaque in the monument at the site, set up after independence, says that 120 bodies were pulled out of the well. The wounded could not be moved from where they had fallen, as a curfew had been declared – many more died during the night.
The number of deaths caused by the shooting is disputed. While the official figure given by the British inquiry into the massacre is 379 deaths, the method used by the inquiry has been subject to criticism. In July 1919, three months after the massacre, officials were tasked with finding who had been killed by inviting inhabitants of the city to volunteer information about those who had died.[16] This information was likely incomplete due to fear that those who participated would be identified as having been present at the meeting, and some of the dead may not have had close relations in the area.[17] Additionally, a senior civil servant in the Punjab interviewed by the members of the committee admitted that the actual figure could be higher.[18]
Since the official figures were probably flawed regarding the size of the crowd (15,000 –20,000), the number of rounds shot and the period of shooting, the politically interested Indian National Congress instituted a separate inquiry of its own, with conclusions that differed considerably from the Government's. The casualty number quoted by the INC was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 killed.[19] Despite the Government's best efforts to suppress information of the massacre, news spread elsewhere in India and widespread outrage ensued; however, the details of the massacre did not become known in Britain until December 1919.
[edit] Tagore's responseTagore received the news of the massacre by 2 2 May 1919, he tried to arrange a protest meeting in Calcutta, finally he decided to renounce his knighthood as "a symbolic act of protest".[20]
In the repudiation letter, dated 30 May 1919, addressed to Chelmsford - the Vicerory, he wrote
I ... wish to stand, shorn, of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen who, for their so ca lled insignificance, are liable to suffer degradation not fit for human beings ” “
[21]
Gupta, calls the letter Tagore wrote as "historic", he writes that Tagore, "renounced his knighthood in protest against the inhuman cruelty of the British Government to the people of Punjab", he quotes Tagore's letter to the Viceroy
The enormity of the measures taken by the Government in the Punjab for quelling some local disturbances has, with a rude shock, revealed to our minds the helplessness of our position as British subjects in India ... [T]he very least that I can do for my country is to take all consequences upon myself in giving voice to the protest of the millions of my countrymen, surprised into a dumb anguish of terror. The time has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in the incongruous “
context of humiliation... ”
[22] English Writings Of Rabindranath Tagore Miscellaneous Writings Vol# 8 carries a facsimile of this hand written letter.[23]
[edit] British responses Cartoon in Punch 14 July 1920, on the occasion of Montagu labelling as "frightful" General Dyer for his role in the Amritsar massacreBack in his headquarters, General Dyer reported to his superiors that he had been "confronted by a revolutionary army".
In a telegram sent to Dyer, British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab, Sir Michael O'Dwyer wrote: "Your action is correct and the Lieutenant Governor approves."[24]
O'Dwyer requested that martial law be imposed upon Amritsar and other areas; this was granted by the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, after the massacre. The "crawling order"was posted on Aug 19 under the auspices of martial law.[25]
Dyer was called to appear before the Hunter Commission, a commission of inquiry into the massacre that was ordered to convene by Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, in late 1919. Dyer said before the commission that he came to know about the meeting at the Jallianwala Bagh at 12:40 hours that day but did not attempt to prevent it. He stated that he had gone to the Bagh with the deliberate intention of opening fire if he found a crowd assembled there. Patterson says Dyer explained his sense of honour to the Hunter Commission by saying, "I think it quite possible that I could have dispersed the crowd without firing but they would have come back again and laughed, and I would have made, what I consider, a fool of myself."[26]
Dyer said he would have used his machine guns if he could have got them into the enclosure, but these were mounted on armoured cars. He said he did not stop the shooting when the crowd began to disperse because he thought it was his duty to keep shooting until the crowd dispersed, and that a little shooting would not do any good. In fact he continued the shooting until the ammunition was almost exhausted.[27] He stated that he did not make any effort to tend to the wounded after the shooting: "Certainly not. It was not my job. Hospitals were open and they could have gone there."[28]
The inquiry, chaired by Lord William Hunter, condemned Dyer, arguing that in "continuing firing as long as he did, it appears to us that General Dyer committed a grave error."[29] Dissenting members argued that the martial law regime's use of force was wholly unjustified. "General Dyer thought he had crushed the rebellion and Sir Michael O'Dwyer was of the same view," they wrote, "(but) there was no rebellion which required to be crushed." The committee reported
lack of notice to disperse from the Bagh in the beginning was an error length of firing showed a grave error Dyer's motive of producing a sufficient moral effect was to be condemned lack of attention to the wounded was not acceptable The Hunter Commission did not impose any penal or disciplinary action because Dyer's actions were condoned by various superiors (later upheld by the Army Council).[30] However, he was finally found guilty of a mistaken notion of duty and relieved of his command.
[edit] Demonstration at GujranwalaTwo days later on April 15, demonstrations occurred in Gujranwala protesting the killings at Amritsar. Police and aircraft were used against the demonstrators, resulting in 12 deaths and 27 injuries. The Officer Commanding the Royal Air Force in India, Brigadier General N D K MacEwen stated later that:
"I think we can fairly claim to have been of great use in the late riots, particularly at Gujranwala, where the crowd when looking at its nastiest was absolutely dispersed by a machine using bombs and Lewis guns."[31] [edit] Monument and legacy Jallianwala Bagh memorial Entrance to the present-day Jallianwala Bagh.
Bullet marks, visible on a preserved wall, at present-day Jallianwala Bagh.A trust was formed later 1920 to build a memorial at the site after a resolution passed by the Indian National Congress. In 1923, the trust purchased land for the project. A memorial, designed by American architect Benjamin Polk, was built on the site and inaugurated by the President of India, Dr Rajendra Prasad on April 13, 1961, in the presence of Jawaharlal Nehru and other leaders. A flame was later added to the site.
The bullet holes can be seen on the walls and adjoining buildings to this day. The well into which many people jumped and drowned attempting to save themselves from the bullets is also a protected monument inside the park.
[edit] Formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak CommitteeA most glaring incident following the massacre was that, shortly afterwards, the official Sikh clergy of the Golden Temple conferred upon General Dyer the "Saropa" (the mark of distinguished service to the Sikh faith or, in general, humanity), sending shock waves among the Sikh masses.[32] On October 12 1920, students and faculty of the Amritsar Khalsa College called a meeting to demand the immediate removal of the Gurudwaras from the control of corrupt Mahants. The natural result of this action was the formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak Committee on November 15, 1920 to manage and reform Sikh shrines.[33]
[edit] Artistic portrayals1982: The massacre is depicted in Richard Attenborough's film Gandhi with the role of General Dyer played by Edward Fox. The film depicts most of the details of the massacre as well as the subsequent inquiry by the Montague commission. 1984: The story of the massacre also occurs in the 7th episode of Granada TV's 1984 series The Jewel in the Crown, recounted by the fictional widow of a British officer who is haunted by the inhumanity of it and who tells how she came to be reviled because she defied the honouring of Dyer and instead donated money to the Indian victims. 2002: In the Hindi movie The Legend of Bhagat Singh directed by Rajkumar Santoshi, the massacre is reconstructed with the child Bhagat Singh as a witness, eventually inspiring him to become a revolutionary in the Indian independence movement. 2006: Portions of the Hindi movie Rang De Basanti nonlinearly depict the massacre and the influence it had on the freedom fighters. [edit] RegretAlthough she had not made any comments on the incident during her state visits later 1961 and 1983, Queen Elizabeth II spoke about the events at a state banquet in India on October 13, 1997:[34]
It is no secret that there have been some difficult episodes in our past – Jallianwala Bagh, which I shall visit tomorrow, is a distressing example. But history cannot be rewritten, however much we might sometimes wish otherwise. It has its moments of sadness, as well as gladness. We must learn from the sadness and build on the gladness.[34] ” “
On October 14, 1997 Queen Elizabeth II visited Jallianwala Bagh and paid her respects with a 30 ‑ second moment of silence. During the visit, she wore a dress of a colour described as pink apricot or saffron, which was of religious significance to Hindus and Sikhs.[34] She removed her shoes while visiting the monument and laid a wreath at the monument.[34]
While some Indians welcomed the expression of regret and sadness in the Queen's statement, others criticised it for being less than an apology.[34] The then-Prime Minister of India Inder Kumar Gujral defended the Queen, stating that the Queen herself had played no part in the events and should not be required to apologise.[34]
[edit] Assassination of Michael O'DwyerMain article: Udham Si ngh
Michael O'Dwyer ca. 1912 Wide view of Jallianwala Bagh memorialOn March 13, 1940, at Caxton Hall in London, Udham Singh, an Indian independence activist from Sunam who had witnessed the events in Amritsar and was himself wounded, shot and killed Michael O'Dwyer, the British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab at the time of the massacre, who had approved Dyer's action and was believed to be the main planner. (Dyer himself had died in 1927.)
The action by Singh was condemned generally, but some press, like nationalist newspaper Amrita Bazar Patrika, also made positive statements. The common people and revolutionaries glorified the action of Udham Singh. Much of the press worldwide recalled the story of Jallianwala Bagh and alleged Michael O'Dwyer to have been responsible for the massacre. Singh was termed a "fighter for freedom" and his action was referred to in The Times newspaper as "an expression of the pent-up fury of the down-trodden Indian People".[35] In Fascist countries, the incident was used for antiBritish propaganda: Bergeret, published in large scale from Rome at that time, while commenting upon the Caxton Hall assassination, ascribed the greatest significance to the circumstance and praised the action of Udham Singh as courageous.[36] The Berliner Börsen Zeitung termed the event "The torch of Indian freedom". German radio reportedly broadcast: "The cry of tormented people spoke with shots."
At a public meeting in Kanpur, a spokesman had stated that "at last an insult and humiliation o f the nation had been avenged". Similar sentiments were expressed in numerous other places countrywide.[37] Fortnightly reports of the political situation in Bihar mentioned: "It is true that we had no love lost for Sir Michael. The indignities he heaped upon our countrymen in Punjab have not been forgotten." In its March 18, 1940 issue, Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote: "O'Dwyer's name is connected with Punjab incidents which India will never forget." The New Statesman observed: "British conservativism has not discovered how to deal with Ireland after two centuries of rule. Similar comment may be made on British rule in India. Will the historians of the future have to record that it was not the Nazis but the British ruling class which destroyed the British Empire?"
Singh had told the court at his trial:
"I did it because I had a grudge against him. He deserved it. He was the real culprit. He wanted to crush the spirit of my people, so I have crushed him. For full 21 years, I have been trying to wreak vengeance. I am happy that I have done the job. I am not scared of death. I am dying for my country. I have seen my people starving in India under the British rule. I have protested against this, it was my duty. What a greater honour could be bestowed on me than death for the sake of my motherland?"[38] Singh was hanged for the murder on July 31, 1940. At that time, many, including Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, condemned the action of Udham as senseless but courageous. In 1952, Nehru (by then, Prime Minister) honoured Udham Singh with the following statement which had appeared in the daily Partap: "I salute Shaheed-i-Azam Udham Singh with reverence who had kissed the noose so that we may be free." Soon after this recognition by the Prime Minister, Udham Singh received the title of Shaheed, a name given to someone who has attained martyrdom or done something heroic on behalf of their country or religion.
[edit] See alsoList of massacres in India [edit] References1.^ Brian Lapping, End of Empire, p. 38, 1985 2.^ Derek Sayer, "British Reaction to the Amritsar Massacre 1919-1920," Past & Present, May 1991, Issue 131, pp 130-164 3.^ Srinath Raghaven, "Protecting the Raj: The Army in India and Internal Security, c . 1919 –39," Small Wars and Insurgencies, (Fall 2005), 16#3 pp 253-279 online 4.^ Brain Bond, "Amritsar 1919," History Today, Sept 1963, Vol. 13 Issue 10, pp 666-676 5.^ Gupta 1997, p. 12 6.^ Popplewell 1995, p. 201
7.^ Steven Patterson, "The Imperial Idea: Ideas of Honor in British India," Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History (2007) 8:1 8.^ Sarkar 1983, pp. 169 –172,176 9.^ Swami P (November 1, 1997). "Jallianwala Bagh revisited". The Hindu. http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1422/14220500.htm. Retrieved 2007-10-07. 10.^ Sarkar 1983, p. 177 11.^ Cell 2002, p. 67 12.^ Brown 1973, p. 523 13.^ Townshend, Britains Civil Wars. p137 14.^ Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer p 255-58 15.^ Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer pp 266,337 16.^ Hunter Report, p116-117. 17.^ Nigel Collett (2007), The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer, Hambledon and London, p. 263 18.^ Hunter Report, p117 19.^ "Amritsar Massacre – ninemsn Encarta". Archived from the original on 2009-10-31. http://www.webcitation.org/5kwriIrvt. 20.^ Rabindranath Tagore; Sisir Kumar Das (January 1996). A miscellany. Sahitya Akademi. pp. 982 –. ISBN 978-81-260-0094-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=EZOu04e1bNQC&pg=PA982. Retrieved 17 February 2012. 21.^ "Tagore renounced his Knighthood in protest for Jalianwalla Bagh mass killing" (in English). The Times of India (Mumbai: Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd.). 2011-04-13. http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-04-13/india/29413338_1_knighthood-protesthonour. Retrieved 17 February 2012. 22.^ Kalyan Sen Gupta (2005). The philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. pp. 3 –. ISBN 978-0-7546-3036-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=B15fqPp2BSwC&pg=PA3. Retrieved 17 February 2012. 23.^ Rabindranath Tagore; Introduction By Mohit K. Ray (1 January 2007). English Writings Of Rabindranath TagoreMiscellaneous Writings Vol# 8. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. pp. 1021 –. ISBN 97881-269-0761-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=KmurjO7AQ1sC&pg=PA1021. Retrieved 17 February 2012. 24.^ Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006) p. 267 25.^ Nigel Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006) p. 372
26.^ Steven Patterson, The cult of imperial honor in British India (2009) P. 67 27.^ Nick Lloyd, The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day (2011) p. 157 28.^ Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar p. 337 29.^ Cyril Henry Philips, "The evolution of India and Pakistan, 1858 to 1947: select documents" p.214. Oxford University Press, 1962 30.^ Winston Churchill (8 July 1920), Winston Churchill's speech in the House of Commons, http://lachlan.bluehaze.com.au/churchill/amritsar.htm Retrieved on 14 Sep 2010. 31.^ Royal Air Force Power Review, 1, spring 2008, http://www.raf.mod.uk/rafcms/mediafiles/BC18F893_1143_EC82_2E16AC19F19FE2D2.pdf, retrieved 24 October 2010. 32.^ Ajit Singh Sarhadi, "Punjabi Suba: The Story of the Struggle", Kapur Printing Press, Delhi, 1970, p. 19 33.^ Indian critiques of Gandhi – Google Books, Books.google.com, 2003, ISBN 9780791459102, http://books.google.com/?id=GGGudMuE4PIC&pg=PA173&dq=sgpc+saropa+general+dyer#v=onepa ge&q=sgpc%20saropa%20general%20dyer&f=false, retrieved 2011-02-01 34.^ a b c d e f "In India, Queen Bows Her Head Over a Massacre in 1919". New York Times. 1997-1015. 35.^ The Times, London, March 16, 1940 36.^ Public and Judicial Department, File No L/P + J/7/3822, Caxton Hall outrage, India Office Library and Records, London, pp 13 –14 37.^ Government of India, Home Department, Political File No 18/3/1940, National Archives of India, New Delhi, p40 38.^ CRIM 1/1177, Public Record Office, London, p 64 [edit] Further readingBrown, Emily (1973), (in Book Reviews; South Asia). The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3. (May, 1973), pp. 522 –523, Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia, ISSN 0030851X . Cell, John W (2002), Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism, 1872 –1969, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521521173 . Collett, Nigel. The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006) Draper, Alfred. The Amritsar Massacre: Twilight of the Raj (1985) Gupta, Amit K (1997), Defying Death: Nationalist Revolutionism in India, 1897 –1938.Social Scientist, Vol. 25, No. 9/10. (Sep. – Oct., 1997), pp. 3 –27, Social Scientist, ISSN 09700293 .
Hopkirk, Peter (1997), Like Hidden Fire: The Plot to Bring Down the British Empire, Kodansha Globe, ISBN 1568361270 . Judd, Dennis. "The Amritsar Massacre of 1919: Gandhi, the Raj and the Growth of Indian Nationalism, 1915-39," in Judd, Empire: The British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present (Basic Books, 1996) pp 258- 72 online edition Lloyd, Nick. The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day (2011) Narain, Savita. The historiography of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, 1919 (New Delhi, Spantech and Lancer, 1998) 76pp ISBN 1897829361 Popplewell, Richard J (1995), Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and the Defence of the Indian Empire 1904 –1924, Routledge, ISBN 071464580X, http://www.routledge.com/shopping_cart/products/product_detail.asp?sku=&isbn=071464580X&p arent_id=&pc= . Sarkar, B.K. (1921), Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 1. (Mar., 1921), pp. 136 –138, The Acedemy of Political Science, ISSN 00323195 . Sarkar, Sumit (1983), Modern India, 1885 –1947, Delhi:Macmillan, ISBN 9780333904251 . Swinson, Arthur. Six Minutes to Sunset: The Story of General Dyer and the Amritsar Affair (London: Peter Davies, 1964) Tinker, Hugh (1968), India in the First World War and after. Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1918 –19: From War to Peace. (Oct., 1968), pp. 89 –107, Sage Publications, ISSN 00220094 . [edit] External linksAn NPR interview with Bapu Shingara Singh – the last known surviving witness. Churchill's speech after the incident. Amritsar Massacre at Jallianwala Bagh Listen to the Shaheed song of the Amritsar Massacre at Jallian Wala Bagh. A description of the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre Amritsar Massacre as a turning point in the British Raj – Description and analysis of the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. [show]v ·d ·eIndian independence movement
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·Shyamji Krishna Varma ·Annie Besant ·Har Dayal ·Subramanya Bharathi ·Lala Lajpat Rai ·Bipin Chandra Pal ·Rash Behari Bose ·Chittaranjan Das ·Bidhan Chandra Roy ·Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan ·Maulana Azad ·Ashfaqullah Khan ·Ram Prasad Bismil ·Chandrasekhar Azad ·Rajaji ·K. M. Munshi ·Bhagat Singh ·Hemu Kalani ·Sarojini Naidu ·Achyut Patwardhan ·Purushottam Das Tandon ·Alluri Sitaramaraju ·Muhammad Ali Jinnah ·Sardar Patel ·Acharya Kripalani ·Subhash Chandra Bose ·Jawaharlal Nehru ·Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ·Allama Mashriqi ·Kotwal Dhan Singh Gurjar ·V. K. Krishna Menon ·more
British leaders Clive ·Outram ·Dalhousie ·Irwin ·Linlithgow ·Wavell ·Cripps ·Mountbatten ·more
Independence Simla Conference ·Cabinet Mission ·Indian Independence Act ·Partition of India ·Political integration ·Constitution ·Republic of India
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age was last modified on 21 ebruary 212 at 9.
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