Prague Spring This article is about the 1968 reform movement in two ways that nonviolence can be and occasionally has Czechoslovakia. For the music festival, see Prague been applied directly to military or paramilitary threats. Spring International Music Festival. After the invasion, Czechoslovakia entered a period of normalization: subsequent leaders attempted to restore The Prague Spring (Czech: Pražské jaro, Slovak: the political and economic values that had prevailed bePražská jar) was a period of political liberalization in fore Dubček gained control of the KSČ. Gustáv Husák, Czechoslovakia during the era of its domination by the who replaced Dubček and also became president, reSoviet Union after World War II. It began on 5 January versed almost all of Dubček’s reforms. The Prague 1968, when reformist Alexander Dubček was elected Spring inspired music and literature such as the work of First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslo- Václav Havel, Karel Husa, Karel Kryl, and Milan Kunvakia (KSČ), and continued until 21 August when the dera's novel The Unbearable Lightness of Being. Soviet Union and other members of the Warsaw Pact invaded the country to halt the reforms.
1 Background
The Prague Spring reforms were a strong attempt by Dubček to grant additional rights to the citizens of Czechoslovakia in an act of partial decentralization of the economy and democratization. The freedoms granted included a loosening of restrictions on the media, speech and travel. After national discussion of dividing the country into a federation of three republics, Bohemia, Moravia-Silesia and Slovakia, Dubček oversaw the decision to split into two, the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic.[1] This was the only formal change that survived the end of Prague Spring, though the relative success of the nonviolent resistance undoubtedly prefigured and facilitated the peaceful transition to liberal democracy with the collapse of Soviet hegemony in 1989.
The process of de-Stalinization in Czechoslovakia had begun under Antonín Novotný in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but had progressed slower than in most other states of the Eastern Bloc.[2] Following the lead of Nikita Khrushchev, Novotný proclaimed the completion of socialism, and the new constitution,[3] accordingly, adopted the name Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The pace of change, however, was sluggish; the rehabilitation of Stalinist-era victims, such as those convicted in the Slánský trials, may have been considered as early as 1963, but did not take place until 1967.[4] In the early 1960s, Czechoslovakia underwent an economic downturn.[5] The Soviet model of industrialization applied poorly to Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovakia was already quite industrialized before World War II and the Soviet model mainly took into account less developed economies. Novotný's attempt at restructuring the economy, the 1965 New Economic Model, spurred increased demand for political reform as well.[6]
The reforms, especially the decentralization of administrative authority, were not received well by the Soviets, who, after failed negotiations, sent half a million Warsaw Pact troops and tanks to occupy the country. A large wave of emigration swept the nation. A spirited non-violent resistance was mounted throughout the country, involving attempted fraternization, painting over and turning street signs (on one occasion an entire invasion force from Poland was routed back out of the country after a day’s wandering), defiance of various curfews, etc. While the Soviet military had predicted that it would take four days to subdue the country the resistance held out for eight months, and was only circumvented by diplomatic stratagems (see below). There were sporadic acts of violence and several suicides by self-immolation (such as that of Jan Palach), but there was no military resistance. Czechoslovakia remained controlled until 1989, when the velvet revolution ended pro-Soviet rule peacefully, undoubtedly drawing upon the successes of the non-violent resistance twenty years earlier. The resistance also became an iconic example of civilian-based defense, which, along with unarmed civilian peacekeeping constitute the
1.1 1967 Writers’ Congress As the strict regime eased its rules, the Union of Czechoslovak Writers cautiously began to air discontent, and in the union’s gazette, Literární noviny, members suggested that literature should be independent of Party doctrine.[7] In June 1967, a small fraction of the Czech writer’s union sympathized with radical socialists, specifically Ludvík Vaculík, Milan Kundera, Jan Procházka, Antonín Jaroslav Liehm, Pavel Kohout and Ivan Klíma.[7] A few months later, at a party meeting, it was decided 1
2
3
that administrative actions against the writers who openly expressed support of reformation would be taken. Since only a small part of the union held these beliefs, the remaining members were relied upon to discipline their colleagues.[7] Control over Literární noviny and several other publishing houses was transferred to the Ministry of Culture,[7] and even members of the party who later became major reformers — including Dubček — endorsed these moves.[7]
2
Dubček’s rise to power
SOCIALISM WITH A HUMAN FACE
2.1 Literární listy However, right after Dubček assumed power, the scholar Eduard Goldstücker became chairman of the Union of Czechoslovak Writers and thus editor-in-chief of the previously hard-line communist weekly Literární noviny,[12][13] which under Novotny had been filled with party loyalists.[13] Goldstucker tested the boundaries of Dubček’s devotion to freedom of the press when he appeared on a television interview as the new head of the union. On 4 February, in front of the entire nation, he openly criticized Novotny, exposing all of Novotny’s previously unreported policies and explaining how they were preventing progress in Czechoslovakia.[14] Despite the official government statement that allowed for freedom of the press, this was the first trial of whether or not Dubček was serious about reforms. Goldstucker suffered no repercussions, and Dubček instead began to build a sense of trust among the media, the government, and the citizens.[13] It was under Goldstücker that the journal’s name was changed to Literární listy, and on 29 February 1968, the Writers’ Union published the first copy of the censor-free Literarni listy.[12] By August 1968, Literarni listy had a circulation of 300,000, making it the most published periodical in Europe.[15]
3 Socialism with a human face Main article: Socialism with a human face
Alexander Dubček
As President Antonín Novotný was losing support, Alexander Dubček, First Secretary of the regional Communist Party of Slovakia, and economist Ota Šik challenged him at a meeting of the Central Committee. Novotný then invited Soviet premier Leonid Brezhnev to Prague that December, seeking support;[8] but Brezhnev was surprised at the extent of the opposition to Novotný and thus supported his removal as Czechoslovakia’s leader. Dubček replaced Novotný as First Secretary on 5 January 1968.[9] On 22 March 1968, Novotný resigned his presidency and was replaced by Ludvík Svoboda, who later gave consent to the reforms.[10] Early signs of change were few. When the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) Presidium member Josef Smrkovský was interviewed in a Rudé Právo article, entitled “What Lies Ahead”, he insisted that Dubček’s appointment at the January Plenum would further the goals of socialism and maintain the working class nature of the Communist Party.[11]
On the 20th anniversary of Czechoslovakia’s "Victorious February", Dubček delivered a speech explaining the need for change following the triumph of socialism. He emphasized the need to “enforce the leading role of the party more effectively”[16] and acknowledged that, despite Klement Gottwald's urgings for better relations with society, the Party had too often made heavy-handed rulings on trivial issues. Dubček declared the party’s mission was “to build an advanced socialist society on sound economic foundations ... a socialism that corresponds to the historical democratic traditions of Czechoslovakia, in accordance with the experience of other communist parties ...”[16] In April, Dubček launched an "Action Programme" of liberalizations, which included increasing freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of movement, with economic emphasis on consumer goods and the possibility of a multiparty government. The programme was based on the view that “Socialism cannot mean only liberation of the working people from the domination of exploiting class relations, but must make more provisions for a fuller life of the personality than any bourgeois democracy.”[17] It would limit the power of the secret police[18] and provide for the federalization of the ČSSR into two equal nations.[19] The programme also covered
3.1
Publications and media
3
foreign policy, including both the maintenance of good relations with Western countries and cooperation with the Soviet Union and other Eastern Bloc nations.[20] It spoke of a ten-year transition through which democratic elections would be made possible and a new form of democratic socialism would replace the status quo.[21]
nalist, published a manifesto titled The Two Thousand Words. It expressed concern about conservative elements within the KSČ and so-called “foreign” forces. Vaculík called on the people to take the initiative in implementing the reform programme.[29] Dubček, the party Presidium, the National Front, and the cabinet denounced this [30] Those who drafted the Action Programme were care- manifesto. ful not to criticize the actions of the post-war Communist regime, only to point out policies that they felt 3.1 Publications and media had outlived their usefulness.[22] For instance, the immediate post-war situation had required “centralist and Dubček’s relaxation of censorship ushered in a brief pedirective-administrative methods”[22] to fight against the riod of freedom of speech and the press.[31] The first tan[22] Since the “antagonis“remnants of the bourgeoisie.” gible manifestation of this new policy of openness was the tic classes”[22] were said to have been defeated with the production of the previously hard-line communist weekly achievement of socialism, these methods were no longer Literarni noviny, renamed Literarni listy.[12][13] necessary. Reform was needed, for the Czechoslovak economy to join the “scientific-technical revolution in the Freedom of the press also opened the door for the first world”[22] rather than relying on Stalinist-era heavy in- honest look at Czechoslovakia’s past by Czechoslovakia’s dustry, labour power, and raw materials.[22] Furthermore, people. Many of the investigations centered on the counsince internal class conflict had been overcome, workers try’s history under communism, especially in the incould now be duly rewarded for their qualifications and stance of the Joseph Stalin-period.[12] In another teletechnical skills without contravening Marxism-Leninism. vision appearance, Goldstucker presented both doctored The Programme suggested it was now necessary to en- and undoctored photographs of former communist leadsure important positions were “filled by capable, edu- ers who had been purged, imprisoned, or executed and cated socialist expert cadres” in order to compete with thus erased from communist history.[13] The Writer’s Union also formed a committee in April 1968, headed by capitalism.[22] the poet Jaroslav Seifert, to investigate the persecution of Although it was stipulated that reform must proceed unwriters after the Communist takeover in February 1948 der KSČ direction, popular pressure mounted to impleand rehabilitate the literary figures into the Union, bookment reforms immediately.[23] Radical elements became stores and libraries, and the literary world.[32][33] Discusmore vocal: anti-Soviet polemics appeared in the press sions on the current state of communism and abstract (after the formal abolishment of censorship on 26 June ideas such as freedom and identity were also becoming [21] 1968), the Social Democrats began to form a sepamore common; soon, non-party publications began aprate party, and new unaffiliated political clubs were crepearing, such as the trade union daily Prace (Labour). ated. Party conservatives urged repressive measures, but This was also helped by the Journalists Union, which by Dubček counselled moderation and re-emphasized KSČ March 1968 had already convinced the Central Publicaleadership.[24] At the Presidium of the Communist Party tion Board, the government censor, to allow editors to reof Czechoslovakia in April, Dubček announced a politiceive uncensored subscriptions for foreign papers, allow[25] cal programme of “socialism with a human face”. In ing for a more international dialogue around the news.[34] May, he announced that the Fourteenth Party Congress would convene in an early session on 9 September. The The press, the radio, and the television also contributed congress would incorporate the Action Programme into to these discussions by hosting meetings where students the party statutes, draft a federalization law, and elect a and young workers could ask questions of writers such as Goldstucker, Pavel Kohout, and Jan Prochazka and ponew Central Committee.[26] litical victims such as Josef Smrkovský, Zdenek Hejzlar, Dubček’s reforms guaranteed freedom of the press, and and Gustav Husak.[14] Television also broadcast meetings political commentary was allowed for the first time in between former political prisoners and the communist mainstream media.[27] At the time of the Prague Spring, leaders from the secret police or prisons where they were Czechoslovak exports were declining in competitiveness, held.[13] Most importantly, this new freedom of the press and Dubček’s reforms planned to solve these troubles and the introduction of television into the lives of everyby mixing planned and market economies. Within the day Czechoslovak citizens moved the political dialogue party, there were varying opinions on how this should from the intellectual to the popular sphere. proceed; certain economists wished for a more mixed economy while others wanted the economy to remain mostly socialist. Dubček continued to stress the importance of economic reform proceeding under Communist 4 Soviet reaction Party rule.[28] On 27 June Ludvík Vaculík, a leading author and jour- Initial reaction within the Communist Bloc was mixed. Hungary's János Kádár was highly supportive of Dubček’s
4
4
SOVIET REACTION
saw Pact and Comecon.[20] The KSČ leadership, however, was divided between vigorous reformers (Josef Smrkovský, Oldřich Černík, and František Kriegel) who supported Dubček, and conservatives (Vasil Biľak, Drahomír Kolder, and Oldřich Švestka) who adopted an antireformist stance.[40] Brezhnev decided on compromise. The KSČ delegates reaffirmed their loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and promised to curb “anti-socialist” tendencies, prevent the revival of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, and control the press more effectively. The Soviets agreed to withdraw their armed forces (still in Czechoslovakia after manoeuvres that June) and permit the 9 September Party Congress.[40]
Leonid Brezhnev.
On 3 August representatives from the “Warsaw Five” and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration. The declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against “bourgeois” ideology and all “anti-socialist” forces.[41] The Soviet Union expressed its intention to intervene in a Warsaw Pact country if a “bourgeois” system—a pluralist system of several political parties representing different factions of the capitalist class—was ever established. After the Bratislava conference, the Soviet Army left Czechoslovak territory but remained along its borders.[42]
appointment in January, but Leonid Brezhnev and oth- 4.1 Invasion ers grew concerned about Dubček’s reforms, which they feared might weaken the position of the Communist Bloc Main article: Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia during the Cold War.[35][36][37] As these talks proved unsatisfactory, the Soviets began to consider a military alternative. The Soviet Union’s polAt a 23 March meeting in Dresden in East Germany, icy of compelling the socialist governments of its satellite leaders of the “Warsaw Five” (USSR, Hungary, Poland, states to subordinate their national interests to those of the Bulgaria and East Germany) questioned a Czechoslo"Eastern Bloc" (through military force if needed) became vak delegation over the planned reforms, suggesting any known as the Brezhnev Doctrine.[43] On the night of 20– talk of “democratization” was a veiled critique of other policies.[38] Władysław Gomułka and János Kádár were 21 August 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from five Warsaw Pact countries – the Soviet Union, the GDR, Bulgaria, less concerned with the reforms themselves than with [44][45] the growing criticisms leveled by the Czechoslovak me- Poland and Hungary—invaded the ČSSR. dia, and worried the situation might be “similar to the prologue of the Hungarian counterrevolution".[38] Some of the language in April’s KSČ Action Programme may have been chosen to assert that no counter-revolution was planned, but Kieran Williams suggests that Dubček was perhaps surprised at, but not resentful of, Soviet suggestions.[39]
That night, 200,000 troops and 2,000 tanks entered the country.[46] They first occupied the Ruzyně International Airport, where air deployment of more troops was arranged. The Czechoslovak forces were confined to their barracks, which were surrounded until the threat of a counter-attack was assuaged. By the morning of 21 August Czechoslovakia was occupied.[45]
The Soviet leadership tried to stop, or limit, the changes in the ČSSR through a series of negotiations. The Soviet Union agreed to bilateral talks with Czechoslovakia in July at Čierna nad Tisou, near the Slovak-Soviet border. At the meeting, with attendance of Brezhnev, Alexei Kosygin, Nikolai Podgorny, Mikhail Suslov and others on the Soviet side and Dubček, Svoboda, Oldřich Černík, Smrkovský and others on the Czechoslovak side, Dubček defended the proposals of the reformist wing of the KSČ while pledging commitment to the War-
Neither Romania nor Albania took part in the invasion.[47] During the invasion by the Warsaw Pact armies, 72 Czechs and Slovaks were killed (19 of those in Slovakia), 266 severely wounded and another 436 slightly injured.[48][49] Alexander Dubček called upon his people not to resist.[49] Nevertheless, there was scattered resistance in the streets. Road signs in towns were removed or painted over—except for those indicating the way to Moscow.[50] Many small villages renamed themselves “Dubcek” or “Svoboda"; thus,
4.2
Reactions to the invasion
5 conservative KSČ members (including Biľak, Švestka, Kolder, Indra, and Kapek) did send a request for intervention to the Soviets.[54] The invasion was followed by a previously unseen wave of emigration, which was stopped shortly thereafter. An estimated 70,000 fled immediately with an eventual total of some 300,000.[55] The Soviets attributed the invasion to the “Brezhnev Doctrine” which stated that the U.S.S.R. had the right to intervene whenever a country in the Eastern Bloc appeared to be making a shift towards capitalism.[56] There is still some uncertainty, however, as to what provocation, if any, occurred to make the Warsaw Pact armies invade. The days leading up to the invasion was a rather calm period without any major events taking place in Czechoslovakia.[26]
4.2 Reactions to the invasion See also: Protests of 1968 In Czechoslovakia, especially in the week immedi-
Prague Spring of 1968
without navigational equipment, the invaders were often confused.[51]
Romanian Prime Secretary Nicolae Ceauşescu gives a speech critical of the invasion, in front of a crowd in Bucharest, 21 August 1968
Czechoslovaks carry their national flag past a burning Soviet tank in Prague.
ately following the invasion, popular opposition was expressed in numerous spontaneous acts of nonviolent resistance.[57] On 16 January 1969, student Jan Palach set himself on fire in Prague’s Wenceslas Square to protest against the renewed suppression of free speech.[58] Civilians purposely gave wrong directions to invading soldiers, while others identified and followed cars belonging to the secret police.[59]
Although, on the night of the invasion the Czechoslovak Presidium declared that Warsaw Pact troops had crossed the border without the knowledge of the ČSSR government, the Soviet Press printed an unsigned request – allegedly by Czechoslovak party and state leaders – for “immediate assistance, including assistance with armed forces”.[52] At the 14th KSČ Party Congress (conducted secretly, immediately following the intervention), it was emphasized that no member of the leadership had invited the intervention.[53] More recent evidence suggests that
The generalized resistance caused the Soviet Union to abandon its original plan to oust the First Secretary. Dubček, who had been arrested on the night of 20 August was taken to Moscow for negotiations. There, he and several other leaders (including all the highest-ranked officials President Svoboda, Prime Minister Černík and Chairman of the National Assembly Smrkovský) signed, under heavy psychological pressure from Soviet politicians, the Moscow Protocol and it was agreed that Dubček would remain in office and a programme of moderate reform would continue.
6
5 AFTERMATH bassador Jan Muzik denounced the invasion. Soviet ambassador Jacob Malik insisted the Warsaw Pact actions were “fraternal assistance” against “antisocial forces”.[64]
The next day, several countries suggested a resolution condemning the intervention and calling for immediate withdrawal. Eventually, a vote was taken with ten members supporting the motion; Algeria, India, and Pakistan Protest banner in Russian reading "For your freedom and ours". abstained; the USSR (with veto power) and Hungary opposed. Canadian delegates immediately introduced another motion asking for a UN representative to travel to On 25 August citizens of the Soviet Union who did Prague and work toward the release of the imprisoned not approve of the invasion protested in Red Square; Czechoslovak leaders.[64] seven protesters opened banners with anti-invasion slogans. The demonstrators were arrested and later pun- By 26 August a new Czechoslovak representative requested the whole issue be removed from the Security ished; the protest was dubbed “anti-Soviet”.[60] Council’s agenda. Shirley Temple Black visited Prague A more pronounced effect took place in Romania, where in August 1968 to prepare for becoming the US AmNicolae Ceaușescu, Prime Secretary of the Romanian bassador for a free Czechoslovakia. However, after the CP, already a staunch opponent of Soviet influences and 21 August invasion she became part of a U.S. Embassya self-declared Dubček supporter, gave a public speech organized convoy of vehicles that evacuated U.S. citiin Bucharest on the day of the invasion, depicting Soviet zens from the country.[65] In August 1989, she returned policies in harsh terms.[47] Albania withdrew from the to Prague as U.S. Ambassador, three months before the Warsaw Pact in opposition calling the invasion an act of Velvet Revolution that ended 41 years of Communist "social-imperialism". In Finland, a country under some rule.[66] Soviet political influence, the occupation caused a major scandal.[61] Like the Italian and French[62] Communist parties, the 5 Aftermath Communist Party of Finland denounced the occupation. Nonetheless, Finnish president Urho Kekkonen Main article: Normalization (Czechoslovakia) was the very first Western politician to officially visit In April 1969, Dubček was replaced as first secretary by Czechoslovakia after August 1968; he received the highest Czechoslovakian honours from the hands of President Ludvík Svoboda, on 4 October 1969.[61] The Portuguese communist secretary-general Álvaro Cunhal was one of few political leaders from western Europe to have supported the invasion for being counter-revolutionary.[63] along with the Luxembourg party[62] and conservative factions of the Greek party.[62]
Helsinki demonstration against the invasion of Czechoslovakia
Most countries offered only vocal criticism following the invasion. The night of the invasion, Canada, Denmark, France, Paraguay, the United Kingdom and the United Memorial to the victims of the invasion, located in Liberec States requested a meeting of the United Nations Security Council.[64] At the meeting, the Czechoslovak am- Gustáv Husák, and a period of "normalization" began.[67]
5.2
Cultural impact
7
Dubček was expelled from the KSČ and given a job as a remarks about the Soviet invaders or they would risk viforestry official.[19][68] olating the agreement they had come to at the end of AuHusák reversed Dubček’s reforms, purged the party of gust. When the weeklies Reporter and Politika responded its liberal members, and dismissed from public office harshly to this threat, even going so far as to not so subtly professional and intellectual elites who openly expressed criticize the Presidium itself in Politika, the government disagreement with the political transformation.[69] Husák banned Reporter for a month, suspended Politika indefprograms from apworked to reinstate the power of the police and strengthen initely, and prohibited any political [78] pearing on the radio or television. ties with the rest of the Communist bloc. He also sought to re-centralize the economy, as a considerable amount of freedom had been granted to industries during the Prague Spring.[69] Commentary on politics was forbidden in mainstream media, and political statements by anyone not considered to have “full political trust” were also banned.[27] The only significant change that survived was the federalization of the country, which created the Czech Socialist Republic and the Slovak Socialist Republic in 1969. In 1987, the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev acknowledged that his liberalizing policies of glasnost and perestroika owed a great deal to Dubček’s “socialism with a human face”.[70] When asked what the difference was between the Prague Spring and Gorbachev’s own reforms, a Foreign Ministry spokesman replied, “Nineteen years.”[71] Dubček lent his support to the Velvet Revolution of December 1989. After the collapse of the Communist regime that month, Dubček became chairman of the federal assembly under the Havel administration.[72] He later led the Social Democratic Party of Slovakia, and spoke against the dissolution of Czechoslovakia prior to his death in November 1992.[73]
5.1
Normalization and censorship
The Warsaw Pact invasion included attacks on media establishments, such as Radio Prague and Czechoslovak Television, almost immediately after the initial tanks rolled into Prague on 21 August 1968.[74] While both the radio station and the television station managed to hold out for at least enough time for initial broadcasts of the invasion, what the Soviets did not attack by force they attacked by reenacting party censorship. In reaction to the invasion, on 28 August 1968, all Czechoslovak publishers agreed to halt production of newspapers for the day to allow for a “day of reflection” for the editorial staffs.[75] Writers and reporters agreed with Dubcek to support a limited reinstitution of the censorship office, as long as the institution was to only last three months.[76] Finally, by September 1968, the Czechoslovak Communist Party plenum was held to instate the new censorship law. In the words of the Moscow-approved resolution, “The press, radio, and television are first of all the instruments for carrying into life the policies of the Party and state.”[77] While this was not yet the end of the media’s freedom after the Prague Spring, it was the beginning of the end. During November, the Presidium, under Husak, declared that the Czechoslovak press could not make any negative
The intellectuals were stuck at a bypass; they recognized the government’s increasing normalization, but they were unsure whether to trust that the measures were only temporary or demand more. For example, still believing in Dubcek’s promises for reform, Milan Kundera published the article “Cesky udel” (Our Czech Destiny) in Literarni listy on 19 December.[33][79] He wrote: “People who today are falling into depression and defeatism, commenting that there are not enough guarantees, that everything could end badly, that we might again end up in a marasmus of censorship and trials, that this or that could happen, are simply weak people, who can live only in illusions of certainty.”[80] In March 1969, however, the new Soviet-backed Czechoslovakian government instituted full censorship, effectively ending the hopes that normalization would lead back to the freedoms enjoyed during the Prague Spring. A declaration was presented to the Presidium condemning the media as co-conspirators against the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact in their support of Dubcek’s liberalization measures. Finally, on 2 April 1969, the government adopted measures “to secure peace and order” through even stricter censorship, forcing the people of Czechoslovakia to wait until the thawing of Eastern Europe for the return of a free media.[81] Former students from Prague, including Constantine Menges, and Czech refugees from the crisis, who were able to escape or resettle in Western Countries continued to advocate for human rights, religious liberty, freedom of speech and political asylum for Czech political prisoners and dissidents. Many raised concerns about the Soviet Union and Red Army's continued military occupation of the Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s, prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall and collapse of Communism in Moscow and Eastern Europe.
5.2 Cultural impact The Prague Spring deepened the disillusionment of many Western leftists with Soviet views. It contributed to the growth of Eurocommunist ideas in Western communist parties, which sought greater distance from the Soviet Union, and eventually led to the dissolution of many of these groups.[82] A decade later, a period of Chinese political liberalization became known as the Beijing Spring. It also partly influenced the Croatian Spring in Yugoslavia.[83] In a 1993 Czech survey, 60% of those surveyed had a personal memory linked to the Prague Spring
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7
while another 30% were familiar with the events in another form.[84] The demonstrations and regime changes taking place in North Africa and the Middle East from December 2010 have frequently been referred to as an "Arab Spring". The event has been referenced in popular music, including the music of Karel Kryl, Luboš Fišer's Requiem,[85] and Karel Husa's Music for Prague 1968.[86] The Israeli song “Prague”, written by Shalom Hanoch and performed by Arik Einstein at the Israel Song Festival of 1969, was a lamentation on the fate of the city after the Soviet invasion and mentions Jan Palach's Self-immolation.[87] "They Can't Stop The Spring", a song by Irish journalist and songwriter John Waters, represented Ireland in the Eurovision Song Contest in 2007. Waters has described it as “a kind of Celtic celebration of the Eastern European revolutions and their eventual outcome”, quoting Dubček’s alleged comment: “They may crush the flowers, but they can't stop the Spring.”[88] The Prague Spring is featured in several works of literature. Milan Kundera set his novel The Unbearable Lightness of Being during the Prague Spring. It follows the repercussions of increased Soviet presence and the dictatorial police control of the population.[89] A film version was released in 1988.[90] The Liberators, by Viktor Suvorov, is an eyewitness description of the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, from the point of view of a Soviet tank commander.[91] Rock 'n' Roll, a play by awardwinning Czech-born English playwright Tom Stoppard, references the Prague Spring, as well as the 1989 Velvet Revolution.[92] Heda Margolius Kovály also ends her memoir Under a Cruel Star with a first hand account of the Prague Spring and the subsequent invasion, and her reflections upon these events.[93] In film there has been an adaptation of The Unbearable Lightness of Being, and also the movie Pelíšky from director Jan Hřebejk and screenwriter Petr Jarchovský, which depicts the events of the Prague Spring and ends with the invasion by the Soviet Union and their allies.[94] The Czech musical film, Rebelové from Filip Renč, also depicts the events, the invasion and subsequent wave of emigration.[94]
REFERENCES
• Spring Revolutions (disambiguation) • Constantine Menges
7 References [1] Czech radio broadcasts 18–20 August 1968 [2] Williams (1997), p 170 [3] Williams (1997), p 7 [4] Skilling (1976), p 47 [5] “Photius.com, (info from CIA world Factbook)". Photius Coutsoukis. Retrieved 20 January 2008. [6] Williams (1997), p 5 [7] Williams (1997), p 55 [8] Navrátil (2006), pp 18–20 [9] Navazelskis (1990) [10] “Antonin Novotný Biography”. Libri publishing house. Retrieved 15 November 2014. [11] Navrátil (2006), p 46 [12] Williams, pp 68 [13] Bren, Paulina (2010). The Greengrocer and His TV: The Culture of Communism after the 1968 Prague Spring. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. pp. 23ff. ISBN 978-0-8014-4767-9. [14] Williams, pp 69 [15] Holý, Jiří. Writers Under Siege: Czech Literature Since 1945. Sussex: Sussex Academic Press, 2011, pp 119 [16] Navrátil (2006), pp 52–54 [17] Ello (1968), pp 32, 54 [18] Von Geldern, James; Siegelbaum, Lewis. “The Soviet-led Intervention in Czechoslovakia”. Soviethistory.org. Retrieved 7 March 2008. [19] Hochman, Dubček (1993)
The number 68 has become iconic in the former [20] Dubček, Alexander; Kramer, Mark; Moss, Joy; Tosek, Czechoslovakia. Hockey player Jaromír Jágr, whose Ruth (translation) (10 April 1968). “Akční program Kograndfather died in prison during the rebellion, wears munistické strany Československa”. Action Program (in the number because of the importance of the year in Czech) (Rudé právo). pp. 1–6. Retrieved 21 February Czechoslovak history.[95][96] A former publishing house 2008. based in Toronto, 68 Publishers, that published books by exiled Czech and Slovak authors, took its name from the [21] Judt (2005), p 441 event. [22] Ello (1968), pp 7–8, 129–30, 9, 131
6
See also • Croatian Spring • Hungarian Revolution of 1956
[23] Derasadurain, Beatrice. “Prague Spring”. thinkquest.org. Retrieved 23 January 2008. [24] Kusin (2002), p 107–122 [25] “The Prague Spring, 1968”. Library of Congress. 1985. Retrieved 5 January 2008.
9
[26] Williams (1997), p 156
[53] Navrátil (2006), p xviii
[27] Williams (1997), p 164
[54] Fowkes (2000), pp 64–85
[28] Williams (1997), pp 18–22
[55] Čulík, Jan. “Den, kdy tanky zlikvidovaly české sny Pražského jara”. Britské Listy. Retrieved 23 January 2008.
[29] Vaculík, Ludvík (27 June 1968). “Two Thousand Words”. Literární listy.
[56] Grenville (2005), p 780 [30] Mastalir, Linda (25 July 2006). “Ludvík Vaculík: a Czechoslovak man of letters”. Radio Prague. Retrieved 23 January 2008. [31] Williams, Tieren. The Prague Spring and Its Aftermath: Czechoslovak Politics, 1968–1970. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp 67. [32] Golan, Galia. Cambridge Russian, Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies. Reform Rule in Czechoslovakia: The Dubček Era, 1968–1969. Vol. 11. Cambridge, UK: CUP Archive, 1973, pp 10 [33] Holy, pp 119 [34] Golan, pp 112 [35] Navrátil (2006), p 37 [36] “Document #81: Transcript of Leonid Brezhnev’s Telephone Conversation with Alexander Dubček, August 13, 1968”. The Prague Spring '68. The Prague Spring Foundation. 1998. Retrieved 23 January 2008. [37] Navrátil (2006), pp 172–181 [38] Navrátil (2006), pp 64–72 [39] Williams (1997), pp 10–11 [40] Navrátil (2006), pp 448–479
[57] Windsor, Philip and Adam Roberts. Czechoslovakia 1968: Reform, Repression and Resistance. Chatto & Windus, London, 1969, pp. 97–143. [58] “Jan Palach”. Radio Prague. Archived from the original on 6 February 2012. Retrieved 19 February 2008. [59] Keane, John. Václav Havel: A Political Tragedy in Six Acts. Bloomsbury Publishing, 1999, p. 215 [60] Gorbanevskaya (1972) [61] Jutikkala, Pirinen (2001) [62] Devlin, Kevin. “Western CPs Condemn Invasion, Hail Prague Spring”. Open Society Archives. Retrieved 8 November 2014. [63] Andrew, Mitrokhin (2005), p 444 [64] Franck (1985) [65] The Real History of the Cold War: A New Look at the Past By Alan Axelrod [66] Joseph, Lawrence E (2 December 1990). “International; Prague’s Spring Into Capitalism”. The New York Times. Retrieved 20 February 2008. [67] Williams (1997), p xi
[41] Navrátil (2006), pp 326–329
[68] “Alexander Dubcek”. Spartacus Educational. Retrieved 25 January 2008.
[42] Navrátil (2006), pp 326–327
[69] Goertz (1995), pp 154–157
[43] Chafetz (1993), p 10
[70] Gorbachev (2003), p x
[44] Ouimet (2003), pp 34–35
[71] Kaufman, Michael T (12 April 1987). “Gorbachev Alludes to Czech Invasion”. The New York Times. Retrieved 4 April 2008.
[45] “Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia”. Military. GlobalSecurity.org. 27 April 2005. Retrieved 19 January 2007. [46] Washington Post, (Final Edition), 21 August 1968, p A11 [47] Curtis, Glenn E. “The Warsaw Pact”. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. Retrieved 19 February 2008. [48] “Springtime for Prague”. Prague Life. Lifeboat Limited. Retrieved 30 April 2006. [49] Williams (1997), p 158 [50] See Paul Chan, “Fearless Symmetry” Artforum International vol. 45, March 2007. [51] “Civilian Resistance in Czechoslovakia”. Fragments. Retrieved 5 January 2009. [52] Skilling (1976)
[72] Cook (2001), pp 320–321 [73] Alexander Dubcek, 70, Dies in Prague (New York Times, 8 November 1992) [74] Bren, pp 28 [75] Williams, pp 147 [76] Williams, pp 148 [77] Bren, pp 29 [78] Williams, pp 175 [79] Williams, pp 182 [80] Williams, pp 183 [81] Williams, pp 202
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[82] Aspaturian (1980), p 174 [83] Despalatović (2000), pp 91–92 [84] Williams (1997), p 29 [85] “Luboš Fišer”. CZMIC. 5 February 2005. Archived from the original on 8 October 2007. Retrieved 23 January 2008. [86] Duffie, Bruce (1 December 2001). “Karel Husa, The Composer in Conversation with Bruce Duffie”. New Music Connoisseur Magazine. Retrieved 23 January 2008. [87] Biography of Arik Einstein – The Solo Years, Mooma (in Hebrew). Retrieved 15 May 2010. [88] “John Waters, The Events That Transpired it”. Spring: The Events that Transpired it. 11 February 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2008. [89] Kundera (1999), p 1 [90] “The Unbearable Lightness of Being”. IMDb.com. Retrieved 29 March 2008. [91] Suvorov (1983), p 1
REFERENCES
• Despalatović, Elinor. Neighbors at War: Anthropological Perspectives on Yugoslav Ethnicity. Penn State Press. ISBN 0-271-01979-4. Retrieved 9 October 2009. • Dubček, Alexander; Hochman, Jiří (1 January 1993). Hope Dies Last: The Autobiography of Alexander Dubcek. Kodansha International. ISBN 1-56836-000-2. • Ello (ed.), Paul (April 1968). Control Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, “Action Plan of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Prague, April 1968)" in Dubcek’s Blueprint for Freedom: His original documents leading to the invasion of Czechoslovakia. William Kimber & Co. 1968 • Fowkes, Ben (29 August 2000). Eastern Europe 1945–1969: From Stalinism to Stagnation. Longman. ISBN 0-582-32693-1. Retrieved 9 October 2009.
[93] Margolius-Kovály (1986), pp 178–192.
• Franck, Thomas M. (1985). Nation Against Nation: What Happened to the UN Dream and What the U.S. Can Do About It. Oxford University Press. ISBN 019-503587-9.
[94] Čulík, Jan (11 April 2008). “The Prague Spring as reflected in Czech postcommunist cinema”. Britské Listy. Retrieved 16 April 2008.
• Goertz, Gary (27 January 1995). Contexts of International Politics. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-46972-4.
[92] Mastalir, Linda (28 June 2006). “Tom Stoppard’s “Rock 'n' Roll"". Radio Prague. Retrieved 23 January 2008.
[95] Morrison (2006), pp 158–159 [96] “Legends of Hockey, Jaromír Jágr”. Hockey Hall of Fame and Museum. Retrieved 23 January 2008.
7.1
Further reading
• Aspaturian, Vernon; Valenta, Jiri; Burke, David P. (1 April 1980). Eurocommunism Between East and West. Indiana Univ Pr. ISBN 0-253-20248-5. • Bischof, Günter, et al. eds. The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 (Lexington Books, 20100 510 pp. ISBN 978-07391-4304-9 • Chafetz, Glenn (30 April 1993). Gorbachev, Reform, and the Brezhnev Doctrine: Soviet Policy Toward Eastern Europe, 1985–1990. Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-94484-0. • Christopher, Andrew; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2005). The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World. Basic Books. ISBN 0465-00311-7. Retrieved 9 October 2009. • Cook, Bernard (10 January 2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. ISBN 0-81531336-5.
• Gorbachev, Mikhail; Mlynař, Zdeněk (8 October 2003). Conversations with Gorbachev: On Perestroika, the Prague Spring, and the Crossroads of Socialism. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-23111865-1. • Gorbanevskaya, Natalia (1972). Red Square at Noon. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. ISBN 0-03085990-5. • Grenville, J.A.S. (4 August 2005). A History Of The World From the 20th To The 21st Century. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28955-6. • Hermann, Konstantin (2008). Sachsen und der “Prager Frühling”. Beucha: Sax-Verlag. ISBN 0415-28955-6. • Judt, Tony (5 October 2005). Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945. Penguin Press. ISBN 1-59420065-3. • Jutikkala, Eino; Pirinen, Kauko (2001). Suomen historia (History of Finland). ISBN 80-7106-4068. • Kundera, Milan (1999). The Unbearable Lightness of Being. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-093213-9.
11 • Kusin, Vladimir (18 July 2002). The Intellectual Origins of the Prague Spring: The Development of Reformist Ideas in Czechoslovakia 1956–1967. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-52652-3. • Margolius-Kovály, Heda (1986). Under a Cruel Star: A life in Prague 1941–1968. New York: Holmes & Meier. ISBN 0-8419-1377-3. • Morrison, Scott; Cherry, Don (26 November 2006). Hockey Night in Canada: By The Numbers: From 00 to 99. Key Porter Books. ISBN 1-55263-984-3. • Navazelskis, Ina (1 August 1990). Alexander Dubcek. Chelsea House Publications; Library Binding edition. ISBN 1-55546-831-4. • Navrátil, Jaromír (1 April 2006). The Prague Spring 1968: A National Security Archive Document Reader (National Security Archive Cold War Readers). Central European University Press. ISBN 963-732667-7. • Ouimet, Matthew (2003). The Rise and Fall of the Brezhnev Doctrine in Soviet Foreign Policy. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London. • Skilling, Gordon H. (1976). Czechoslovakia’s Interrupted Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press. • Suvorov, Viktor (1983). The Liberators. London, Hamilton: New English Library, Sevenoaks. ISBN 0-450-05546-9. • Williams, Kieran (1997). The Prague Spring and its Aftermath: Czechoslovak Politics, 1968–1970. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-58803-0.
8
External links • Think Quest – The Prague Spring 1968 • Radio Free Europe – A Chronology Of Events Leading To The 1968 Invasion • Prague Life – More information on the Prague Spring • The Prague Spring, 40 Years On – slideshow by The First Post • Victims of the Invasion – A list of victims from the Warsaw Pact Invasion with method of death • Praha 1968 footage on YouTube
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9 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES
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Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses
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9.2
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• File:10_Soviet_Invasion_of_Czechoslovakia_-_Flickr_-_The_Central_Intelligence_Agency.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia. org/wikipedia/commons/3/3c/10_Soviet_Invasion_of_Czechoslovakia_-_Flickr_-_The_Central_Intelligence_Agency.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: 10 Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia Original artist: The Central Intelligence Agency • File:Adunare_Piaţa_Palatului_August_1968.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4c/Adunare_Pia% C5%A3a_Palatului_August_1968.jpg License: Attribution Contributors: Cota: 175/1968 Original artist: image from the Romanian National Archives • File:Brezhnev_1973.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/Brezhnev_1973.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: This media is available in the holdings of the National Archives and Records Administration, cataloged under the ARC Identifier (National Archives Identifier) 194517. Original artist: Knudsen, Robert L. • File:Commons-logo.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: ? Contributors: ? Original artist: ? • File:Dubcek.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2e/Dubcek.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Originally uploaded by its author to the German Wikipedia as Dubcek.jpg Original artist: Dr. Meierhofer at German Wikipedia • File:EasternBloc_BasicMembersOnly.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/EasternBloc_ BasicMembersOnly.svg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Map borders based on File:EC12-1986_European_Community_map.svg. Original artist: Mosedschurte at en.wikipedia • File:Greater_coat_of_arms_of_Czechoslovakia_(1918-1938_and_1945-1961).svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/9/94/Greater_coat_of_arms_of_Czechoslovakia_%281918-1938_and_1945-1961%29.svg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Shazz • File:Helsinki_demonstration_against_the_invasion_of_Czechoslovakia_in_1968.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/ wikipedia/commons/0/01/Helsinki_demonstration_against_the_invasion_of_Czechoslovakia_in_1968.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work (own photo) Original artist: Szilas • File:KAS-Prager_Frühling_1968-Bild-12906-1.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a8/KAS-Prager_ Fr%C3%BChling_1968-Bild-12906-1.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 de Contributors: This file was provided to Wikimedia Commons by the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, a German political foundation, as part of a cooperation project. Original artist: CDU
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